ANABASIS

By Xenophon

Translation by H. G. Dakyns

          Dedicated To
          Rev. B. Jowett, M.A.
          Master of Balliol College
          Regius Professor of Greek in the University of Oxford

          Xenophon the Athenian was born 431 B.C. He was a
          pupil of Socrates. He marched with the Spartans,
          and was exiled from Athens. Sparta gave him land
          and property in Scillus, where he lived for many
          years before having to move once more, to settle
          in Corinth. He died in 354 B.C.

          The Anabasis is his story of the march to Persia
          to aid Cyrus, who enlisted Greek help to try and
          take the throne from Artaxerxes, and the ensuing
          return of the Greeks, in which Xenophon played a
          leading role. This occurred between 401 B.C. and
          March 399 B.C.

PREPARER'S NOTE

This was typed from Dakyns' series, "The Works of Xenophon," a
four-volume set. The complete list of Xenophon's works (though
there is doubt about some of these) is:

     Work                                   Number of books

     The Anabasis                                         7
     The Hellenica                                        7
     The Cyropaedia                                       8
     The Memorabilia                                      4
     The Symposium                                        1
     The Economist                                        1
     On Horsemanship                                      1
     The Sportsman                                        1
     The Cavalry General                                  1
     The Apology                                          1
     On Revenues                                          1
     The Hiero                                            1
     The Agesilaus                                        1
     The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians   2

Text in brackets "{}" is my transliteration of Greek text into
English using an Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. The
diacritical marks have been lost.

ANABASIS

BY

XENOPHON

ANABASIS

BOOK I

I.

Darius and Parysatis had two sons: the elder was named Artaxerxes, and  1
the younger Cyrus. Now, as Darius lay sick and felt that the end of
life drew near, he wished both his sons to be with him. The elder, as
it chanced, was already there, but Cyrus he must needs send for from
the province over which he had made him satrap, having appointed him
general moreover of all the forces that muster in the plain of the
Castolus. Thus Cyrus went up, taking with him Tissaphernes as his
friend, and accompanied also by a body of Hellenes, three hundred
heavy armed men, under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian (1).

 (1) Parrhasia, a district and town in the south-west of Arcadia.

Now when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was established in the
kingdom, Tissaphernes brought slanderous accusations against Cyrus
before his brother, the king, of harbouring designs against him. And
Artaxerxes, listening to the words of Tissaphernes, laid hands upon
Cyrus, desiring to put him to death; but his mother made intercession
for him, and sent him back again in safety to his province. He then,
having so escaped through peril and dishonour, fell to considering,
not only how he might avoid ever again being in his brother's power,
but how, if possible, he might become king in his stead. Parysatis,
his mother, was his first resource; for she had more love for Cyrus
than for Artaxerxes upon his throne. Moreover Cyrus's behaviour
towards all who came to him from the king's court was such that, when
he sent them away again, they were better friends to himself than to    5
the king his brother. Nor did he neglect the barbarians in his own
service; but trained them, at once to be capable as warriors and
devoted adherents of himself. Lastly, he began collecting his Hellenic
armament, but with the utmost secrecy, so that he might take the king
as far as might be at unawares.

The manner in which he contrived the levying of the troops was as
follows: First, he sent orders to the commandants of garrisons in the
cities (so held by him), bidding them to get together as large a body
of picked Peloponnesian troops as they severally were able, on the
plea that Tissaphernes was plotting against their cities; and truly
these cities of Ionia had originally belonged to Tissaphernes, being
given to him by the king; but at this time, with the exception of
Miletus, they had all revolted to Cyrus. In Miletus, Tissaphernes,
having become aware of similar designs, had forestalled the
conspirators by putting some to death and banishing the remainder.
Cyrus, on his side, welcomed these fugitives, and having collected an
army, laid siege to Miletus by sea and land, endeavouring to reinstate
the exiles; and this gave him another pretext for collecting an
armament. At the same time he sent to the king, and claimed, as being
the king's brother, that these cities should be given to himself
rather than that Tissaphernes should continue to govern them; and in
furtherance of this end, the queen, his mother, co-operated with him,
so that the king not only failed to see the design against himself,
but concluded that Cyrus was spending his money on armaments in order
to make war on Tissaphernes. Nor did it pain him greatly to see the
two at war together, and the less so because Cyrus was careful to
remit the tribute due to the king from the cities which belonged to
Tissaphernes.

A third army was being collected for him in the Chersonese, over
against Abydos, the origin of which was as follows: There was a
Lacedaemonian exile, named Clearchus, with whom Cyrus had become
associated. Cyrus admired the man, and made him a present of ten
thousand darics (2). Clearchus took the gold, and with the money raised  9
an army, and using the Chersonese as his base of operations, set to
work to fight the Thracians north of the Hellespont, in the interests
of the Hellenes, and with such happy result that the Hellespontine
cities, of their own accord, were eager to contribute funds for the
support of his troops. In this way, again, an armament was being
secretly maintained for Cyrus.

 (2) A Persian gold coin = 125.55 grains of gold.

Then there was the Thessalian Aristippus, Cyrus's friend (3), who,
under pressure of the rival political party at home, had come to Cyrus
and asked him for pay for two thousand mercenaries, to be continued
for three months, which would enable him, he said, to gain the upper
hand of his antagonists. Cyrus replied by presenting him with six
months' pay for four thousand mercenaries--only stipulating that
Aristippus should not come to terms with his antagonists without final
consultation with himself. In this way he secured to himself the
secret maintenance of a fourth armament.

 (3) Lit. "guest-friend." Aristippus was, as we learn from the "Meno"
    of Plato, a native of Larisa, of the family of the Aleuadae, and a
    pupil of Gorgias. He was also a lover of Menon, whom he appears to
    have sent on this expedition instead of himself.

Further, he bade Proxenus, a Boeotian, who was another friend, get
together as many men as possible, and join him in an expedition which
he meditated against the Pisidians (4), who were causing annoyance to
his territory. Similarly two other friends, Sophaenetus the
Stymphalian (5), and Socrates the Achaean, had orders to get together
as many men as possible and come to him, since he was on the point of
opening a campaign, along with Milesian exiles, against Tissaphernes.
These orders were duly carried out by the officers in question.

 (4) Lit. "into the country of the Pisidians."

 (5) Of Stymphalus in Arcadia.

II

But when the right moment seemed to him to have come, at which he       1
should begin his march into the interior, the pretext which he put
forward was his desire to expel the Pisidians utterly out of the
country; and he began collecting both his Asiatic and his Hellenic
armaments, avowedly against that people. From Sardis in each direction
his orders sped: to Clearchus, to join him there with the whole of his
army; to Aristippus, to come to terms with those at home, and to
despatch to him the troops in his employ; to Xenias the Arcadian, who
was acting as general-in-chief of the foreign troops in the cities, to
present himself with all the men available, excepting only those who
were actually needed to garrison the citadels. He next summoned the
troops at present engaged in the siege of Miletus, and called upon the
exiles to follow him on his intended expedition, promising them that
if he were successful in his object, he would not pause until he had
reinstated them in their native city. To this invitation they
hearkened gladly; they believed in him; and with their arms they
presented themselves at Sardis. So, too, Xenias arrived at Sardis with
the contingent from the cities, four thousand hoplites; Proxenus,
also, with fifteen hundred hoplites and five hundred light-armed
troops; Sophaenetus the Stymphalian, with one thousand hoplites;
Socrates the Achaean, with five hundred hoplites; while the Megarion
Pasion came with three hundred hoplites and three hundred peltasts (1).
This latter officer, as well as Socrates, belonged to the force
engaged against Miletus. These all joined him at Sardis.

 (1) "Targeteers" armed with a light shield instead of the larger one
    of the hoplite, or heavy infantry soldier. Iphicrates made great
    use of this arm at a later date.

But Tissaphernes did not fail to note these proceedings. An equipment
so large pointed to something more than an invasion of Pisidia: so he
argued; and with what speed he might, he set off to the king, attended
by about five hundred horse. The king, on his side, had no sooner
heard from Tissaphernes of Cyrus's great armament, than he began to
make counter-preparations.

Thus Cyrus, with the troops which I have named, set out from Sardis,
and marched on and on through Lydia three stages, making
two-and-twenty parasangs (2), to the river Maeander. That river is two
hundred feet (3) broad, and was spanned by a bridge consisting of seven
boats. Crossing it, he marched through Phrygia a single stage, of
eight parasangs, to Colossae, an inhabited city (4), prosperous and      6
large. Here he remained seven days, and was joined by Menon the
Thessalian, who arrived with one thousand hoplites and five hundred
peltasts, Dolopes, Aenianes, and Olynthians. From this place he
marched three stages, twenty parasangs in all, to Celaenae, a populous
city of Phrygia, large and prosperous. Here Cyrus owned a palace and a
large park (5) full of wild beasts, which he used to hunt on horseback,
whenever he wished to give himself or his horses exercise. Through the
midst of the park flows the river Maeander, the sources of which are
within the palace buildings, and it flows through the city of
Celaenae. The great king also has a palace in Celaenae, a strong
place, on the sources of another river, the Marsyas, at the foot of
the acropolis. This river also flows through the city, discharging
itself into the Maeander, and is five-and-twenty feet broad. Here is
the place where Apollo is said to have flayed Marsyas, when he had
conquered him in the contest of skill. He hung up the skin of the
conquered man, in the cavern where the spring wells forth, and hence
the name of the river, Marsyas. It was on this site that Xerxes, as
tradition tells, built this very palace, as well as the citadel of
Celaenae itself, on his retreat from Hellas, after he had lost the
famous battle. Here Cyrus remained for thirty days, during which
Clearchus the Lacedaemonian arrived with one thousand hoplites and
eight hundred Thracian peltasts and two hundred Cretan archers. At the
same time, also, came Sosis the Syracusian with three thousand
hoplites, and Sophaenetus the Arcadian (6) with one thousand hoplites;
and here Cyrus held a review, and numbered his Hellenes in the park,
and found that they amounted in all to eleven thousand hoplites and
about two thousand peltasts.

 (2) The Persian "farsang" = 30 stades, nearly 1 league, 3 1/2 statute
    miles, though not of uniform value in all parts of Asia.

 (3) "Two plethra": the plethron = about 101 English feet.

 (4) Lit. "inhabited," many of the cities of Asia being then as now
    deserted, but the suggestion is clearly at times "thickly
    inhabited," "populous."

 (5) Lit. "paradise," an oriental word = park or pleasure ground.

 (6) Perhaps this should be Agias the Arcadian, as Mr. Macmichael
    suggests. Sophaenetus has already been named above.

From this place he continued his march two stages--ten parasangs--to    10
the populous city of Peltae, where he remained three days; while
Xenias, the Arcadian, celebrated the Lycaea (7) with sacrifice, and
instituted games. The prizes were headbands of gold; and Cyrus himself
was a spectator of the contest. From this place the march was
continued two stages--twelve parasangs--to Ceramon-agora, a populous
city, the last on the confines of Mysia. Thence a march of three
stages--thirty parasangs--brought him to Caystru-pedion (8), a populous
city. Here Cyrus halted five days; and the soldiers, whose pay was now
more than three months in arrear, came several times to the palace
gates demanding their dues; while Cyrus put them off with fine words
and expectations, but could not conceal his vexation, for it was not
his fashion to stint payment, when he had the means. At this point
Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, the king of the Cilicians, arrived on a
visit to Cyrus; and it was said that Cyrus received a large gift of
money from the queen. At this date, at any rate, Cyrus gave the army
four months' pay. The queen was accompanied by a bodyguard of
Cilicians and Aspendians; and, if report speaks truly, Cyrus had
intimate relations with the queen.

 (7) The Lycaea, an Arcadian festival in honour of Zeus {Arcaios}, akin
    to the Roman Lupercalia, which was originally a shepherd festival,
    the introduction of which the Romans ascribe to the Arcadian
    Evander.

 (8) Lit. "plain of the Cayster," like Ceramon-agora, "the market of
    the Ceramians" above, the name of a town.

From this place he marched two stages--ten parasangs--to Thymbrium, a
populous city. Here, by the side of the road, is the spring of Midas,
the king of Phrygia, as it is called, where Midas, as the story goes,
caught the satyr by drugging the spring with wine. From this place he
marched two stages--ten parasangs--to Tyriaeum, a populous city. Here
he halted three days; and the Cilician queen, according to the popular
account, begged Cyrus to exhibit his armament for her amusement. The
latter being only too glad to make such an exhibition, held a review
of the Hellenes and barbarians in the plain. He ordered the Hellenes
to draw up their lines and post themselves in their customary battle
order, each general marshalling his own battalion. Accordingly they
drew up four-deep. The right was held by Menon and those with him; the  15
left by Clearchus and his men; the centre by the remaining generals
with theirs. Cyrus first inspected the barbarians, who marched past in
troops of horses and companies of infantry. He then inspected the
Hellenes; driving past them in his chariot, with the queen in her
carriage. And they all had brass helmets and purple tunics, and
greaves, and their shields uncovered (9).

 (9) I.e. ready for action, c.f. "bayonets fixed".

After he had driven past the whole body, he drew up his chariot in
front of the centre of the battle-line, and sent his interpreter
Pigres to the generals of the Hellenes, with orders to present arms
and to advance along the whole line. This order was repeated by the
generals to their men; and at the sound of the bugle, with shields
forward and spears in rest, they advanced to meet the enemy. The pace
quickened, and with a shout the soldiers spontaneously fell into a
run, making in the direction of the camp. Great was the panic of the
barbarians. The Cilician queen in her carriage turned and fled; the
sutlers in the marketing place left their wares and took to their
heels; and the Hellenes meanwhile came into camp with a roar of
laughter. What astounded the queen was the brilliancy and order of the
armament; but Cyrus was pleased to see the terror inspired by the
Hellenes in the hearts of the Asiatics.

From this place he marched on three stages--twenty parasangs--to
Iconium, the last city of Phrygia, where he remained three days.
Thence he marched through Lycaonia five stages--thirty parasangs. This
was hostile country, and he gave it over to the Hellenes to pillage.
At this point Cyrus sent back the Cilician queen to her own country by
the quickest route; and to escort her he sent the soldiers of Menon,
and Menon himself. With the rest of the troops he continued his march
through Cappadocia four stages--twenty-five parasangs--to Dana, a
populous city, large and flourishing. Here they halted three days,
within which interval Cyrus put to death, on a charge of conspiracy, a
Persian nobleman named Megaphernes, a wearer of the royal purple; and
along with him another high dignitary among his subordinate
commanders.

From this place they endeavoured to force a passage into Cilicia. Now   21
the entrance was by an exceedingly steep cart-road, impracticable for
an army in face of a resisting force; and report said that Syennesis
was on the summit of the pass guarding the approach. Accordingly they
halted a day in the plain; but next day came a messenger informing
them that Syenesis had left the pass; doubtless, after perceiving that
Menon's army was already in Cilicia on his own side of the mountains;
and he had further been informed that ships of war, belonging to the
Lacedaemonians and to Cyrus himself, with Tamos on board as admiral,
were sailing round from Ionia to Cilicia. Whatever the reason might
be, Cyrus made his way up into the hills without let or hindrance, and
came in sight of the tents where the Cilicians were on guard. From
that point he descended gradually into a large and beautiful plain
country, well watered, and thickly covered with trees of all sorts and
vines. This plain produces sesame plentifully, as also panic and
millet and barley and wheat; and it is shut in on all sides by a steep
and lofty wall of mountains from sea to sea. Descending through this
plain country, he advanced four stages--twenty-five parasangs--to
Tarsus, a large and prosperous city of Cilicia. Here stood the palace
of Syennesis, the king of the country; and through the middle of the
city flows a river called the Cydnus, two hundred feet broad. They
found that the city had been deserted by its inhabitants, who had
betaken themselves, with Syennesis, to a strong place on the hills.
All had gone, except the tavern-keepers. The sea-board inhabitants of
Soli and Issi also remained. Now Epyaxa, Syennesis's queen, had
reached Tarsus five days in advance of Cyrus. During their passage
over the mountains into the plain, two companies of Menon's army were
lost. Some said they had been cut down by the Cilicians, while engaged
on some pillaging affair; another account was that they had been left
behind, and being unable to overtake the main body, or discover the
route, had gone astray and perished. However it was, they numbered one
hundred hoplites; and when the rest arrived, being in a fury at the
destruction of their fellow soldiers, they vented their spleen by
pillaging the city of Tarsus and the palace to boot. Now when Cyrus
had marched into the city, he sent for Syennesis to come to him; but    26
the latter replied that he had never yet put himself into the hands of
any one who was his superior, nor was he willing to accede to the
proposal of Cyrus now; until, in the end, his wife persuaded him, and
he accepted pledges of good faith. After this they met, and Syennesis
gave Cyrus large sums in aid of his army; while Cyrus presented him
with the customary royal gifts--to wit, a horse with a gold bit, a
necklace of gold, a gold bracelet, and a gold scimitar, a Persian
dress, and lastly, the exemption of his territory from further
pillage, with the privilege of taking back the slaves that had been
seized, wherever they might chance to come upon them.

III

At Tarsus Cyrus and his army halted for twenty days; the soldiers       1
refusing to advance further, since the suspicion ripened in their
minds, that the expedition was in reality directed against the king;
and as they insisted, they had not engaged their services for that
object. Clearchus set the example of trying to force his men to
continue their march; but he had no sooner started at the head of his
troops than they began to pelt him and his baggage train, and
Clearchus had a narrow escape of being stoned to death there and then.
Later on, when he perceived that force was useless, he summoned an
assembly of his own men; and for a long while he stood and wept, while
the men gazed in silent astonishment. At last he spoke as follows:
"Fellow soldiers, do not marvel that I am sorely distressed on account
of the present troubles. Cyrus has been no ordinary friend to me. When
I was in banishment he honoured me in various ways, and made me also a
present of ten thousand darics. These I accepted, but not to lay them
up for myself for private use; not to squander them in pleasure, but
to expend them on yourselves. And, first of all, I went to war with
the Thracians, and with you to aid, I wreaked vengeance on them in
behalf of Hellas; driving them out of the Chersonese, when they wanted
to deprive its Hellenic inhabitants of their lands. But as soon as
Cyrus summoned me, I took you with me and set out, so that, if my
benefactor had any need of me, I might requite him for the good
treatment I myself had received at his hands.... But since you are
not minded to continue the march with me, one of two things is left to  5
me to do; either I must renounce you for the sake of my friendship
with Cyrus, or I must go with you at the cost of deceiving him.
Whether I am about to do right or not, I cannot say, but I choose
yourselves; and, whatever betide, I mean to share your fate. Never
shall it be said of me by any one that, having led Greek troops
against the barbarians (1), I betrayed the Hellenes, and chose the
friendship of the barbarian. No! since you do not choose to obey and
follow me, I will follow after you. Whatever betide, I will share your
fate. I look upon you as my country, my friends, my allies; with you I
think I shall be honoured, wherever I be; without you I do not see how
I can help a friend or hurt a foe. My decision is taken. Wherever you
go, I go also."

 (1) Lit. "into the country of the barbarian."

Such were his words. But the soldiers, not only his own, but the rest
also, when they heard what he said, and how he had scouted the idea of
going up to the great king's palace (2), expressed their approval; and
more than two thousand men deserted Xenias and Pasion, and took their
arms and baggage-train, and came and encamped with Clearchus. But
Cyrus, in despair and vexation at this turn of affairs, sent for
Clearchus. He refused to come; but, without the knowledge of the
soldiers, sent a message to Cyrus, bidding him keep a good heart, for
that all would arrange itself in the right way; and bade him keep on
sending for him, whilst he himself refused to go. After that he got
together his own men, with those who had joined him, and of the rest
any who chose to come, and spoke as follows: "Fellow soldiers, it is
clear that the relations of Cyrus to us are identical with ours to
him. We are no longer his soldiers, since we have ceased to follow
him; and he, on his side, is no longer our paymaster. He, however, no
doubt considers himself wronged by us; and though he goes on sending
for me, I cannot bring myself to go to him: for two reasons, chiefly
from a sense of shame, for I am forced to admit to myself that I have
altogether deceived him; but partly, too, because I am afraid of his
seizing me and inflicting a penalty on the wrongs which he conceives    11
that I have done him. In my opinion, then, this is no time for us to
go to sleep and forget all about ourselves, rather it is high time to
deliberate on our next move; and as long as we do remain here, we had
better bethink us how we are to abide in security; or, if we are
resolved to turn our backs at once, what will be the safest means of
retreat; and, further, how we are to procure supplies, for without
supplies there is no profit whatsoever in the general or the private
soldier. The man with whom we have to deal is an excellent friend to
his friends, but a very dangerous enemy to his foes. And he is backed
by a force of infantry and cavalry and ships such as we all alike very
well see and know, since we can hardly be said to have posted
ourselves at any great distance from him. If, then, any one has a
suggestion to make, now is the time to speak." With these words he
ceased.

 (2) Or "how he insisted that he was not going up."

Then various speakers stood up; some of their own motion to propound
their views; others inspired by Clearchus to dilate on the hopeless
difficulty of either staying, or going back without the goodwill of
Cyrus. One of these, in particular, with a make-believe of anxiety to
commence the homeward march without further pause, called upon them
instantly to choose other generals, if Clearchus were not himself
prepared to lead them back: "Let them at once purchase supplies" (the
market being in the heart of the Asiatic camp), "let them pack up
their baggage: let them," he added, "go to Cyrus and ask for some
ships in order to return by sea: if he refused to give them ships, let
them demand of him a guide to lead them back through a friendly
district; and if he would not so much as give them a guide, they could
but put themselves, without more ado, in marching order, and send on a
detachment to occupy the pass--before Cyrus and the Cilicians, whose
property," the speaker added, "we have so plentifully pillaged, can
anticipate us." Such were the remarks of that speaker; he was followed
by Clearchus, who merely said: "As to my acting personally as general
at this season, pray do not propose it: I can see numerous obstacles
to my doing so. Obedience, in the fullest, I can render to the man of   15
your choice, that is another matter: and you shall see and know that I
can play my part, under command, with the best of you."

After Clearchus another spokesman stood up, and proceeded to point out
the simplicity of the speaker, who proposed to ask for vessels, just
as if Cyrus were minded to renounce the expedition and sail back
again. "And let me further point out," he said, "what a simple-minded
notion it is to beg a guide of the very man whose designs we are
marring. If we can trust any guide whom Cyrus may vouchsafe to us, why
not order Cyrus at once to occupy the pass on our behoof? For my part,
I should think twice before I set foot on any ships that he might give
us, for fear lest he should sink them with his men-of-war; and I
should equally hesitate to follow any guide of his: he might lead us
into some place out of which we should find it impossible to escape. I
should much prefer, if I am to return home against the will of Cyrus
at all, to give him the slip, and so begone: which indeed is
impossible. But these schemes are simply nonsensical. My proposal is
that a deputation of fit persons, with Clearchus, should go to Cyrus:
let them go to Cyrus and ask him: what use he proposes to make of us?
and if the business is at all similar to that on which he once before
employed a body of foreigners--let us by all means follow: let us show
that we are the equals of those who accompanied him on his much up
formerly. But if the design should turn out to be of larger import
than the former one--involving more toil and more danger--we should
ask him, either to give us good reasons for following his lead, or
else consent to send us away into a friendly country. In this way,
whether we follow him, we shall do so as friends, and with heart and
soul, or whether we go back, we shall do so in security. The answer to
this shall be reported to us here, and when we have heard it, we will
advise as to our best course."

This resolution was carried, and they chose and sent a deputation with
Clearchus, who put to Cyrus the questions which had been agreed upon
by the army. Cyrus replied as follows: That he had received news that
Abrocomas, an enemy of his, was posted on the Euphrates, twelve stages  20
off; his object was to march against this aforesaid Abrocomas: and if
he were still there, he wished to inflict punishment on him, "or if he
be fled" (so the reply concluded), "we will there deliberate on the
best course." The deputation received the answer and reported it to
the soldiers. The suspicion that he was leading them against the king
was not dispelled; but it seemed best to follow him. They only
demanded an increase of pay, and Cyrus promised to give them half as
much again as they had hitherto received--that is to say, a daric and
a half a month to each man, instead of a daric. Was he really leading
them to attack the king? Not even at this moment was any one apprised
of the fact, at any rate in any open and public manner.

IV

From this point he marched two stages--ten parasangs--to the river      1
Psarus, which is two hundred feet broad, and from the Psarus he
marched a single stage--five parasangs--to Issi, the last city in
Cilicia. It lies on the seaboard--a prosperous, large and flourishing
town. Here they halted three days, and here Cyrus was joined by his
fleet. There were thirty-five ships from Peloponnesus, with the
Lacedaemonian admiral Pythagoras on board. These had been piloted from
Ephesus by Tamos the Egyptian, who himself had another fleet of
twenty-five ships belonging to Cyrus. These had formed Tamos's
blockading squadron at Miletus, when that city sided with
Tissaphernes; he had also used them in other military services
rendered to Cyrus in his operations against that satrap. There was a
third officer on board the fleet, the Lacedaemonian Cheirisophus, who
had been sent for by Cyrus, and had brought with him seven hundred
hoplites, over whom he was to act as general in the service of Cyrus.
The fleet lay at anchor opposite Cyrus's tent. Here too another
reinforcement presented itself. This was a body of four hundred
hoplites, Hellenic mercenaries in the service of Abrocomas, who         3
deserted him for Cyrus, and joined in the campaign against the king.

From Issi, he marched a single stage--five parasangs--to the gates of
Cilicia and Syria. This was a double fortress: the inner and nearer
one, which protects Cilicia, was held by Syennesis and a garrison of
Cilicians; the outer and further one, protecting Syria, was reported
to be garrisoned by a body of the king's troops. Through the gap
between the two fortresses flows a river named the Carsus, which is a
hundred feet broad, and the whole space between was scarcely more than
six hundred yards. To force a passage here would be impossible, so
narrow was the pass itself, with the fortification walls stretching
down to the sea, and precipitous rocks above; while both fortresses
were furnished with gates. It was the existence of this pass which had
induced Cyrus to send for the fleet, so as to enable him to lead a
body of hoplites inside and outside the gates; and so to force a
passage through the enemy, if he were guarding the Syrian gate, as he
fully expected to find Abrocomas doing with a large army. This,
however, Abrocomas had not done; but as soon as he learnt that Cyrus
was in Cilicia, he had turned round and made his exit from Phoenicia,
to join the king with an army amounting, as report said, to three
hundred thousand men.

From this point Cyrus pursued his march, through Syria a single
stage--five parasangs--to Myriandus, a city inhabited by Phoenicians,
on the sea-coast. This was a commercial port, and numerous merchant
vessels were riding at anchor in the harbour. Here they halted seven
days, and here Xenias the Arcadian general, and Pasion the Megarian
got on board a trader, and having stowed away their most valuable
effects, set sail for home; most people explained the act as the
outcome of a fit of jealousy, because Cyrus had allowed Clearchus to
retain their men, who had deserted to him, in hopes of returning to
Hellas instead of marching against the king; when the two had so
vanished, a rumour spread that Cyrus was after them with some ships of
war, and some hoped the cowards might be caught, others pitied them,
if that should be their fate.

But Cyrus summoned the generals and addressed them: "Xenias and         8
Pasion," he said, "have taken leave of us; but they need not flatter
themselves that in so doing they have stolen into hiding. I know where
they are gone; nor will they owe their escape to speed; I have
men-of-war to capture their craft, if I like. But heaven help me! if I
mean to pursue them: never shall it be said of me, that I turn people
to account as long as they stay with me, but as soon as they are
minded to be off, I seize and maltreat them, and strip them of their
wealth. Not so! let them go with the consciousness that our behaviour
to them is better than theirs to us. And yet I have their children and
wives safe under lock and key in Tralles; but they shall not be
deprived even of these. They shall receive them back in return for
their former goodness to me." So he spoke, and the Hellenes, even
those who had been out of heart at the thought of marching up the
country, when they heard of the nobleness of Cyrus, were happier and
more eager to follow him on his path.

After this Cyrus marched onwards four stages--twenty parasangs--to the
river Chalus. That river is a hundred feet broad, and is stocked with
tame fish which the Syrians regard as gods, and will not suffer to be
injured--and so too the pigeons of the place. The villages in which
they encamped belonged to Parysatis, as part of her girdle money (1).
From this point he marched on five stages--thirty parasangs--to the
sources of the river Dardas, which is a hundred feet broad. Here stood
the palace of Belesys, the ruler of Syria, with its park--which was a
very large and beautiful one, and full of the products of all the
seasons in their course. But Cyrus cut down the park and burnt the
palace. Thence he marched on three stages--fifteen parasangs--to the
river Euphrates, which is nearly half a mile broad. A large and         11
flourishing city, named Thapsacus, stands on its banks. Here they
halted five days, and here Cyrus sent for the generals of the
Hellenes, and told them that the advance was now to be upon Babylon,
against the great king; he bade them communicate this information to
the soldiers and persuade them to follow. The generals called an
assembly, and announced the news to the soldiers. The latter were
indignant and angry with the generals, accusing them of having kept
secret what they had long known; and refused to go, unless such a
bribe of money were given them as had been given to their
predecessors, when they went up with Cyrus to the court of his father,
not as now to fight a battle, but on a peaceful errand--the visit of a
son to his father by invitation. The demand was reported to Cyrus by
the generals, and he undertook to give each man five silver minae as
soon as Babylon was reached, and their pay in full, until he had
safely conveyed them back to Ionia again. In this manner the Hellenic
force were persuaded--that is to say, the majority of them. Menon,
indeed, before it was clear what the rest of the soldiers would
do--whether, in fact they would follow Cyrus or not--collected his own
troops apart and made them the following speech; "Men," he said, "if
you will listen to me, there is a method by which, without risk or
toil, you may win the special favour of Cyrus beyond the rest of the
soldiers. You ask what it is I would have you to do? I will tell you.
Cyrus at this instant is begging the Hellenes to follow him to attack
the king. I say then: Cross the Euphrates at once, before it is clear
what answer the rest will make; if they vote in favour of following,
you will get the credit of having set the example, and Cyrus will be
grateful to you. He will look upon you as being the heartiest in his
cause; he will repay, as of all others he best knows how; while, if
the rest vote against crossing, we shall go back again; but as the
sole adherents, whose fidelity he can altogether trust, it is you whom
Cyrus will turn to account, as commandants of garrisons or captains of
companies. You need only ask him for whatever you want, and you will
get it from him, as being the friends of Cyrus."

 (1) Cf. Plat. "Alcib." i. 123 B. "Why, I have been informed by a
    credible person, who went up to the king (at Susa), that he passed
    through a large tract of excellent land, extending for nearly a
    day's journey, which the people of the country called the queen's
    girdle, and another which they called her veil," etc. Olympiodorus
    and the Scholiast both think that Plato here refers to Xenophon
    and this passage of the "Anabasis." Grote thinks it very probable
    that Plato had in his mind Xenophon (either his "Anabasis" or
    personal communications with him).

The men heard and obeyed, and before the rest had given their answer,
they were already across. But when Cyrus perceived that Menon's troops  16
had crossed, he was well pleased, and he sent Glus to the division in
question, with this message: "Soldiers, accept my thanks at present;
eventually you shall thank me. I will see to that, or my name is not
Cyrus." The soldiers therefore could not but pray heartily for his
success; so high their hopes ran. But to Menon, it was said, he sent
gifts with lordly liberality. This done, Cyrus proceeded to cross; and
in his wake followed the rest of the armament to a man. As they
forded, never a man was wetted above the chest: nor ever until this
moment, said the men of Thapascus, had the river been so crossed on
foot, boats had always been required; but these, at the present time,
Abrocomas, in his desire to hinder Cyrus from crossing, had been at
pains to burn. Thus the passage was looked upon as a thing miraculous;
the river had manifestly retired before the face of Cyrus, like a
courtier bowing to his future king. From this place he continued his
march through Syria nine stages--fifty parasangs--and they reached the
river Araxes. Here were several villages full of corn and wine; in
which they halted three days, and provisioned the army.

V

Thence he marched on through Arabia, keeping the Euphrates on the       1
right, five desert stages--thirty-five parasangs. In this region the
ground was one long level plain, stretching far and wide like the sea,
full of absinth; whilst all the other vegetation, whether wood or
reed, was sweet scented like spice or sweet herb; there were no trees;
but there was wild game of all kinds--wild asses in greatest
abundance, with plenty of ostriches; besides these, there were
bustards and antelopes. These creatures were occasionally chased by
the cavalry. The asses, when pursued, would run forward a space, and
then stand still--their pace being much swifter than that of horses;
and as soon as the horses came close, they went through the same
performance. The only way to catch them was for the riders to post
themselves at intervals, and to hunt them in relays, as it were. The
flesh of those they captured was not unlike venison, only more tender.
No one was lucky enough to capture an ostrich. Some of the troopers
did give chase, but it had soon to be abandoned; for the bird, in its
effort to escape, speedily put a long interval between itself and its   3
pursuers; plying its legs at full speed, and using its wings the while
like a sail. The bustards were not so hard to catch when started
suddenly; for they only take short flights, like partridges, and are
soon tired. Their flesh is delicious.

As the army wended its way through this region, they reached the river
Mascas, which is one hundred feet in breadth. Here stood a big
deserted city called Corsote, almost literally environed by the
stream, which flows round it in a circle. Here they halted three days
and provisioned themselves. Thence they continued their march thirteen
desert stages--ninety parasangs--with the Euphrates still on their
right, until they reached the Gates. On these marches several of the
baggage animals perished of hunger, for there was neither grass nor
green herb, or tree of any sort; but the country throughout was
barren. The inhabitants make their living by quarrying millstones on
the river banks, which they work up and take to Babylon and sell,
purchasing corn in exchange for their goods. Corn failed the army, and
was not to be got for money, except in the Lydian market open in
Cyrus's Asiatic army; where a kapithe of wheat or barley cost four
shekels; the shekel being equal to seven and a half Attic obols,
whilst the kapithe is the equivalent of two Attic choeneces (1), dry
measure, so that the soldiers subsisted on meat alone for the whole
period. Some of the stages were very long, whenever they had to push
on to find water or fodder; and once they found themselves involved in
a narrow way, where the deep clay presented an obstacle to the
progress of the wagons. Cyrus, with the nobles about him, halted to
superintend the operation, and ordered Glus and Pigres to take a body
of barbarians and to help in extricating the wagons. As they seemed to
be slow about the business, he turned round angrily to the Persian
nobles and bade them lend a hand to force the wagons out. Then, if
ever, what goes to constitute one branch of good discipline, was to be
witnessed. Each of those addressed, just where he chanced to be         8
standing, threw off his purple cloak, and flung himself into the work
with as much eagerness as if it had been a charge for victory. Down a
steep hill side they flew, with their costly tunics and embroidered
trousers--some with the circlets round their necks, and bracelets on
their arms--in an instant, they had sprung into the miry clay, and in
less time than one could have conceived, they had landed the wagons
safe on terra firma.

 (1) The choenix = about 1 quart (or, according to others, 1 1/2 pint).
    It was the minimum allowance of corn for a man, say a slave, per
    diem. The Spartan was allowed at the public table 2 choenices a
    day.

Altogether it was plain that Cyrus was bent on pressing on the march,
and averse to stoppages, except where he halted for the sake of
provisioning or some other necessary object; being convinced that the
more rapidly he advanced, the less prepared for battle would he find
the king; while the slower his own progress, the larger would be the
hostile army which he would find collected. Indeed, the attentive
observer could see, at a glance, that if the king's empire was strong
in its extent of territory and the number of inhabitants, that
strength is compensated by an inherent weakness, dependent upon the
length of roads and the inevitable dispersion of defensive forces,
where an invader insists upon pressing home the war by forced marches.

On the opposite side of the Euphrates to the point reached on one of
these desert stages, was a large and flourishing city named Charmande.
From this town the soldiers made purchases of provisions, crossing the
river on rafts, in the following fashion: They took the skins which
they used as tent coverings, and filled them with light grass; they
then compressed and stitched them tightly together by the ends, so
that the water might not touch the hay. On these they crossed and got
provisions: wine made from the date-nut, and millet or panic-corn, the
common staple of the country. Some dispute or other here occurred
between the soldiers of Menon and Clearchus, in which Clearchus
sentenced one of Menon's men, as the delinquent, and had him flogged.
The man went back to his own division and told them. Hearing what had
been done to their comrade, his fellows fretted and fumed, and were
highly incensed against Clearchus. The same day Clearchus visited the
passage of the river, and after inspecting the market there, was
returning with a few followers, on horseback, to his tent, and had to   12
pass through Menon's quarters. Cyrus had not yet come up, but was
riding up in the same direction. One of Menon's men, who was splitting
wood, caught sight of Clearchus as he rode past, and aimed a blow at
him with his axe. The aim took no effect; when another hurled a stone
at him, and a third, and then several, with shouts and hisses.
Clearchus made a rapid retreat to his own troops, and at once ordered
them to get under arms. He bade his hoplites remain in position with
their shields resting against their knees, while he, at the head of
his Thracians and horsemen, of which he had more than forty in his
army--Thracians for the most part--advanced against Menon's soldiers,
so that the latter, with Menon himself, were panic-stricken, and ran
to seize their arms; some even stood riveted to the spot, in
perplexity at the occurrence. Just then Proxenus came up from behind,
as chance would have it, with his division of hoplites, and without a
moment's hesitation marched into the open space between the rival
parties, and grounded arms; then he fell to begging Clearchus to
desist. The latter was not too well pleased to hear his trouble mildly
spoken of, when he had barely escaped being stoned to death; and he
bade Proxenus retire and leave the intervening space open. At this
juncture Cyrus arrived and inquired what was happening. There was no
time for hesitation. With his javelins firmly grasped in his hands he
galloped up--escorted by some of his faithful bodyguard, who were
present--and was soon in the midst, exclaiming: "Clearchus, Proxenus,
and you other Hellenes yonder, you know not what you do. As surely as
you come to blows with one another, our fate is sealed--this very day
I shall be cut to pieces, and so will you: your turn will follow close
on mine. Let our fortunes once take an evil turn, and these barbarians
whom you see around will be worse foes to us than those who are at
present serving the king." At these words Clearchus came to his
senses. Both parties paused from battle, and retired to their
quarters: order reigned.

VI

As they advanced from this point (opposite Charmande), they came upon   1
the hoof-prints and dung of horses at frequent intervals. It looked
like the trail of some two thousand horses. Keeping ahead of the army,
these fellows burnt up the grass and everything else that was good for
use. Now there was a Persian, named Orontas; he was closely related to
the king by birth: and in matters pertaining to war reckoned among the
best of Persian warriors. Having formerly been at war with Cyrus, and
afterwards reconciled to him, he now made a conspiracy to destroy him.
he made a proposal to Cyrus: if Cyrus would furnish him with a
thousand horsemen, he would deal with these troopers, who were burning
down everything in front of them; he would lay an ambuscade and cut
them down, or he would capture a host of them alive; in any case, he
would put a stop to their aggressiveness and burnings; he would see to
it that they did not ever get a chance of setting eyes on Cyrus's army
and reporting its advent to the king. The proposal seemed plausible to
Cyrus, who accordingly authorised Orontas to take a detachment from
each of the generals, and be gone. He, thinking that he had got his
horsemen ready to his hand, wrote a letter to the king, announcing
that he would ere long join him with as many troopers as he could
bring; he bade him, at the same time, instruct the royal cavalry to
welcome him as a friend. The letter further contained certain
reminders of his former friendship and fidelity. This despatch he
delivered into the hands of one who was a trusty messenger, as he
thought; but the bearer took and gave it to Cyrus. Cyrus read it.
Orontas was arrested. Then Cyrus summoned to his tent seven of the
noblest Persians among his personal attendants, and sent orders to the
Hellenic generals to bring up a body of hoplites. These troops were to
take up a position round his tent. This the generals did; bringing up
about three thousand hoplites. Clearchus was also invited inside, to
assist at the court-martial; a compliment due to the position he held
among the other generals, in the opinion not only of Cyrus, but also
of the rest of the court. When he came out, he reported the
circumstances of the trial (as to which, indeed, there was no mystery)
to his friends. He said that Cyrus opened the inquiry with these
words: "I have invited you hither, my friends, that I may take advice
with you, and carry out whatever, in the sight of God and man, it is
right for me to do, as concerning the man before you, Orontas. The      6
prisoner was, in the first instance, given to me by my father, to be
my faithful subject. In the next place, acting, to use his own words,
under the orders of my brother, and having hold of the acropolis of
Sardis, he went to war with me. I met war with war, and forced him to
think it more prudent to desist from war with me: whereupon we shook
hands, exchanging solemn pledges. After that," and at this point Cyrus
turned to Orontas, and addressed him personally--"after that, did I do
you any wrong?" Answer, "Never." Again another question: "Then later
on, having received, as you admit, no injury from me, did you revolt
to the Mysians and injure my territory, as far as in you lay?"--"I
did," was the reply. "Then, once more having discovered the limits of
your power, did you flee to the altar of Artemis, crying out that you
repented? and did you thus work upon my feelings, that we a second
time shook hands and made interchange of solemn pledges? Are these
things so?" Orontas again assented. "Then what injury have you
received from me," Cyrus asked, "that now for the third time, you have
been detected in a treasonous plot against me?"--"I must needs do so,"
he answered. Then Cyrus put one more question: "But the day may come,
may it not, when you will once again be hostile to my brother, and a
faithful friend to myself?" The other answered: "Even if I were, you
could never be brought to believe it, Cyrus."

At this point Cyrus turned to those who were present and said: "Such
has been the conduct of the prisoner in the past: such is his language
now. I now call upon you, and you first, Clearchus, to declare your
opinion--what think you?" And Clearchus answered: "My advice to you is
to put this man out of the way as soon as may be, so that we may be
saved the necessity of watching him, and have more leisure, as far as
he is concerned, to requite the services of those whose friendship is
sincere."--"To this opinion," he told us, "the rest of the court
adhered." After that, at the bidding of Cyrus, each of those present,   10
in turn, including the kinsmen of Orontas, took him by the girdle;
which is as much as to say, "Let him die the death," and then those
appointed led him out; and they who in old days were wont to do
obeisance to him, could not refrain, even at that moment, from bowing
down before him, albeit they knew he was being led forth to death.

After they had conducted him to the tent of Artapates, the trustiest
of Cyrus's wand-bearers, none set eyes upon him ever again, alive or
dead. No one, of his own knowledge, could declare the manner of his
death; though some conjectured one thing and some another. No tomb to
mark his resting-place, either then or since, was ever seen.

VII

From this place Cyrus marched through Babylonia three stages--twelve    1
parasangs. Now, on the third stage, about midnight, Cyrus held a
review of the Hellenes and Asiatics in the plain, expecting that the
king would arrive the following day with his army to offer battle. He
gave orders to Clearchus to take command of the right wing, and to
Menon the Thessalian of the left, while he himself undertook to the
disposition of his own forces in person. After the review, with the
first approach of day, deserters from the great king arrived, bringing
Cyrus information about the royal army. Then Cyrus summoned the
generals and captains of the Hellenes, and held a council of war to
arrange the plan of battle. He took this opportunity also to address
the following words of compliment and encouragement to the meeting:
"Men of Hellas," he said, "it is certainly not from dearth of
barbarians to fight my battles that I put myself at your head as my
allies; but because I hold you to be better and stronger than many
barbarians. That is why I took you. See then that you prove yourselves
to be men worthy of the liberty which you possess, and which I envy
you. Liberty--it is a thing which, be well assured, I would choose in
preference to all my other possessions, multiplied many times. But I
would like you to know into what sort of struggle you are going: learn
its nature from one who knows. Their numbers are great, and they come
on with much noise; but if you can hold out against these two things,
I confess I am ashamed to think, what a sorry set of folk you will      4
find the inhabitants of this land to be. But you are men, and brave
you must be, being men: it is agreed; then if you wish to return home,
any of you, I undertake to send you back, in such sort that your
friends at home shall envy you; but I flatter myself I shall persuade
many of you to accept what I will offer you here, in lieu of what you
left at home."

Here Gaulites, a Samian exile, and a trusty friend of Cyrus, being
present, exclaimed: "Ay, Cyrus, but some say you can afford to make
large promises now, because you are in the crisis of impending danger;
but let matters go well with you, will you recollect? They shake their
heads. Indeed, some add that, even if you did recollect, and were ever
so willing, you would not be able to make good all your promises, and
repay." When Cyrus heard that, he answered: "You forget, sirs, my
father's empire stretches southwards to a region where men cannot
dwell by reason of the heat, and northwards to a region uninhabitable
through cold; but all the intervening space is mapped out in satrapies
belonging to my brother's friends: so that if the victory be ours, it
will be ours also to put our friends in possession in their room. On
the whole my fear is, not that I may not have enough to give to each
of my friends, but lest I may not have friends enough on whom to
bestow what I have to give, and to each of you Hellenes I will give a
crown of gold."

So they, when they heard these words, were once more elated than ever
themselves, and spread the good news among the rest outside. And there
came into his presence both the generals and some of the other
Hellenes also, claiming to know what they should have in the event of
victory; and Cyrus satisfied the expectations of each and all, and so
dismissed them. Now the advice and admonition of all who came into
conversation with him was, not to enter the battle himself, but to
post himself in rear of themselves; and at this season Clearchus put a
question to him: "But do you think that your brother will give battle   9
to you, Cyrus?" and Cyrus answered: "Not without a battle, be assured,
shall the prize be won; if he be the son of Darius and Parysatis, and
a brother of mine."

In the final arming for battle at this juncture, the numbers were as
follows: Of Hellenes there were ten thousand four hundred heavy
infantry with two thousand five hundred targeteers, while the
barbarians with Cyrus reached a total of one hundred thousand. He had
too about twenty scythe-chariots. The enemy's forces were reported to
number one million two hundred thousand, with two hundred
scythe-chariots, besides which he had six thousand cavalry under
Artagerses. These formed the immediate vanguard of the king himself.
The royal army was marshalled by four generals or field-marshals, each
in command of three hundred thousand men. Their names were Abrocomas,
Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and Arbaces. (But of this total not more than
nine hundred thousand were engaged in the battle, with one hundred and
fifty scythe-chariots; since Abrocomas, on his march from Phoenicia,
arrived five days too late for the battle.) Such was the information
brought to Cyrus by deserters who came in from the king's army before
the battle, and it was corroborated after the battle by those of the
enemy who were taken prisoners.

From this place Cyrus advanced one stage--three parasangs--with the
whole body of his troops, Hellenic and barbarian alike in order of
battle. He expected the king to give battle the same day, for in the
middle of this day's march a deep sunk trench was reached, thirty feet
broad, and eighteen feet deep. The trench was carried inland through
the plain, twelve parasang's distance, to the wall of Media (1).  (Here
are canals, flowing from the river Tigris; they are four in number,
each a hundred feet broad, and very deep, with corn ships plying upon   15
them; they empty themselves into the Euphrates, and are at intervals
of one parasang apart, and are spanned by bridges.)

 (1) For "the wall of Media" see Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p.
    87 and foll. note 1 (1st ed.), and various authorities there
    quoted or referred to. The next passage enclosed in  () may
    possibly be a commentator's or editor's note, but, on the whole, I
    have thought it best to keep the words in the text instead of
    relegating them, as heretofore, to a note. Perhaps some future
    traveller may clear up all difficulties.

Between the Euphrates and the trench was a narrow passage, twenty feet
only in breadth. The trench itself had been constructed by the great
king upon hearing of Cyrus's approach, to serve as a line of defence.
Through this narrow passage then Cyrus and his army passed, and found
themselves safe inside the trench. So there was no battle to be fought
with the king that day; only there were numerous unmistakable traces
of horse and infantry in retreat. Here Cyrus summoned Silanus, his
Ambraciot soothsayer, and presented him with three thousand darics;
because eleven days back, when sacrificing, he had told him that the
king would not fight within ten days, and Cyrus had answered: "Well,
then, if he does not fight within that time, he will not fight at all;
and if your prophecy comes true, I promise you ten talents." So now,
that the ten days were passed, he presented him with the above sum.

But as the king had failed to hinder the passage of Cyrus's army at
the trench, Cyrus himself and the rest concluded that he must have
abandoned the idea of offering battle, so that next day Cyrus advanced
with less than his former caution. On the third day he was conducting
the march, seated in his carriage, with only a small body of troops
drawn up in front of him. The mass of the army was moving on in no
kind of order: the soldiers having consigned their heavy arms to be
carried in the wagons or on the backs of beasts.

VIII

It was already about full market time (1) and the halting-place at       1
which the army was to take up quarters was nearly reached, when
Pategyas, a Persian, a trusty member of Cyrus's personal staff, came
galloping up at full speed on his horse, which was bathed in sweat,
and to every one he met he shouted in Greek and Persian, as fast as he
could ejaculate the words: "The king is advancing with a large army
ready for battle." Then ensued a scene of wild confusion. The Hellenes
and all alike were expecting to be attacked on the instant, and before
they could form their lines. Cyrus sprang from his carriage and donned
his corselet; then leaping on to his charger's back, with the javelins
firmly clutched, he passed the order to the rest, to arm themselves
and fall into their several ranks.

 (1) I.e. between 9 and 10 A.M.

The orders were carried out with alacrity; the ranks shaped
themselves. Clearchus held the right wing resting on the Euphrates,
Proxenus was next, and after him the rest, while Menon with his troops
held the Hellenic left. Of the Asiatics, a body of Paphlagonian
cavalry, one thousand strong, were posted beside Clearchus on the
right, and with them stood the Hellenic peltasts. On the left was
Ariaeus, Cyrus's second in command, and the rest of the barbarian
host. Cyrus was with his bodyguard of cavalry about six hundred
strong, all armed with corselets like Cyrus, and cuirasses and
helmets; but not so Cyrus: he went into battle with head
unhelmeted (2). So too all the horses with Cyrus wore forehead-pieces
and breast-pieces, and the troopers carried short Hellenic swords.

 (2) The MSS. add, "to expose oneself to the risks of war bareheaded
    is, it is said, a practice common to the Persians," which I regard
    as a commentator's note, if not an original marginal note of some
    early editor, possibly of the author himself. The "Cyropaedeia" is
    full of such comments, "pieces justificatives" inserted into the
    text.

It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight; but with the
approach of afternoon was seen dust like a white cloud, and after a
considerable interval a black pall as it were spread far and high
above the plain. As they came nearer, very soon was seen here and
there a glint of bronze and spear-points; and the ranks could plainly
be distinguished. On the left were troopers wearing white cuirasses.
That is Tissaphernes in command, they said, and next to these a body
of men bearing wicker-shields, and next again heavy-armed infantry,
with long wooden shields reaching to the feet. These were the
Egyptians, they said, and then other cavalry, other bowmen; all were
in national divisions, each nation marching in densely-crowded          10
squares. And all along their front was a line of chariots at
considerable intervals from one another--the famous scythe-chariots,
as they were named--having their scythes fitted to the axle-trees and
stretching out slantwise, while others protruded under the
chariot-seats, facing the ground, so as to cut through all they
encountered. The design was to let them dash full speed into the ranks
of the Hellenes and cut them through.

Curiously enough the anticipation of Cyrus, when at the council of war
he admonished the Hellenes not to mind the shouting of the Asiatics,
was not justified. Instead of shouting, they came on in deep silence,
softly and slowly, with even tread. At this instant, Cyrus, riding
past in person, accompanied by Pigres, his interpreter, and three or
four others, called aloud to Clearchus to advance against the enemy's
centre, for there the king was to be found: "And if we strike home at
this point," he added, "our work is finished." Clearchus, though he
could see the compact body at the centre, and had been told by Cyrus
that the king lay outside the Hellenic left (for, owing to numerical
superiority, the king, while holding his own centre, could well
overlap Cyrus's extreme left), still hesitated to draw off his right
wing from the river, for fear of being turned on both flanks; and he
simply replied, assuring Cyrus that he would take care all went well.

At this time the barbarian army was evenly advancing, and the Hellenic
division was still riveted to the spot, completing its formation as
the various contingents came up. Cyrus, riding past at some distance
from the lines, glanced his eye first in one direction and then in the
other, so as to take a complete survey of friends and foes; when
Xenophon the Athenian, seeing him, rode up from the Hellenic quarter
to meet him, asking him whether he had any orders to give. Cyrus,
pulling up his horse, begged him to make the announcement generally
known that the omens from the victims, internal and external alike,
were good (3). While he was still speaking, he heard a confused murmur   16
passing through the ranks, and asked what it meant. The other replied
that it was the watchword being passed down for the second time. Cyrus
wondered who had given the order, and asked what the watchword was. On
being told it was "Zeus our Saviour and Victory," he replied, "I
accept it; so let it be," and with that remark rode away to his own
position. And now the two battle lines were no more than three or four
furlongs apart, when the Hellenes began chanting the paean, and at the
same time advanced against the enemy.

 (3) I.e. the omens from inspecting the innards of the victims, and the
    omens from the acts and movements of the victims.

But with the forward movement a certain portion of the line curved
onwards in advance, with wave-like sinuosity, and the portion left
behind quickened to a run; and simultaneously a thrilling cry burst
from all lips, like that in honour of the war-god--eleleu! eleleu! and
the running became general. Some say they clashed their shields and
spears, thereby causing terror to the horses (4); and before they had
got within arrowshot the barbarians swerved and took to flight. And
now the Hellenes gave chase with might and main, checked only by
shouts to one another not to race, but to keep their ranks. The
enemy's chariots, reft of their charioteers, swept onwards, some
through the enemy themselves, others past the Hellenes. They, as they
saw them coming, opened a gap and let them pass. One fellow, like some
dumbfoundered mortal on a racecourse, was caught by the heels, but
even he, they said, received no hurt, nor indeed, with the single
exception of some one on the left wing who was said to have been
wounded by an arrow, did any Hellene in this battle suffer a single
hurt.

 (4) Some critics regard this sentence as an editor's or commentator's
    note.

Cyrus, seeing the Hellene's conquering, as far as they at any rate
were concerned, and in hot pursuit, was well content; but in spite of
his joy and the salutations offered him at that moment by those about   21
him, as though he were already king, he was not led away to join in
the pursuit, but keeping his squadron of six hundred horsemen in cloe
order, waited and watched to see what the king himself would do. The
king, he knew, held the centre of the Persian army. Indeed it is the
fashion for the Asiatic monarch to occupy that position during action,
for this twofold reason: he holds the safest place, with his troops on
either side of him, while, if he has occasion to despatch any
necessary rider along the lines, his troops will receive the message
in half the time. The king accordingly on this occasion held the
centre of his army, but for all that, he was outside Cyrus's left
wing; and seeing that no one offered him battle in front, nor yet the
troops in front of him, he wheeled as if to encircle the enemy. It was
then that Cyrus, in apprehension lest the king might get round to the
rear and cut to pieces the Hellenic body, charged to meet him.
Attacking with his six hundred, he mastered the line of troops in
front of the king, and put to flight the six thousand, cutting down,
as is said, with his own hand their general, Artagerses.

But as soon as the rout commenced, Cyrus's own six hundred themselves,
in the ardour of pursuit, were scattered, with the exception of a
handful who were left with Cyrus himself--chiefly his table
companions, so-called. Left alone with these, he caught sight of the
king, and the close throng about him. Unable longer to contain
himself, with a cry, "I see the man," he rushed at him and dealt a
blow at his chest, wounding him through the corselet. This, according
to the statement of Ctesias the surgeon (5), who further states that he
himself healed the wound. As Cyrus delivered the blow, some one struck
him with a javelin under the eye severely; and in the struggle which
then ensued between the king and Cyrus and those about them to protect
one or other, we have the statement of Ctesias as to the number slain   27
on the king's side, for he was by his side. On the other, Cyrus
himself fell, and eight of his bravest companions lay on the top of
him. The story says that Artapes, the trustiest among his
wand-wearers, when he saw that Cyrus had fallen to the ground, leapt
from his horse and threw his arms about him. Then, as one account
says, the king bade one slay him as a worthy victim to his brother:
others say that Artapates drew his scimitar and slew himself by his
own hand. A golden scimitar it is true, he had; he wore also a collar
and bracelets and the other ornaments such as the noblest Persians
wear; for his kindliness and fidelity had won him honours at the hands
of Cyrus.

 (5) "Ctesias, the son of Ctesiochus, was a physician of Cnidos.
    Seventeen years of his life were passed at the court of Persia,
    fourteen in the service of Darios, three in that of Artaxerxes; he
    returned to Greece in 398 B.C.," and "was employed by Artaxerxes
    in diplomatic services." See Mure; also Ch. Muller, for his life
    and works. He wrote (1) a history on Persian affairs in three
    parts--Assyrian, Median, Persian--with a chapter "On Tributes;"
    (2) a history of Indian affairs (written in the vein of Sir John
    Maundeville, Kt.); (3) a Periplus; (4) a treatise on Mountains;
    (5) a treatise on Rivers.

IX

So died Cyrus; a man the kingliest (1) and most worthy to rule of all    1
the Persians who have lived since the elder Cyrus: according to the
concurrent testimony of all who are reputed to have known him
intimately. To begin from the beginning, when still a boy, and whilst
being brought up with his brother and the other lads, his unrivalled
excellence was recognised. For the sons of the noblest Persians, it
must be known, are brought up, one and all, at the king's portals.
Here lessons of sobriety and self-control may largely be laid to
heart, while there is nothing base or ugly for eye or ear to feed
upon. There is the daily spectacle ever before the boys of some
receiving honour from the king, and again of others receiving
dishonour; and the tale of all this is in their ears, so that from
earliest boyhood they learn how to rule and to be ruled.

 (1) The character now to be drawn is afterwards elaborated into the
    Cyrus of the Cyropaedeia.

In this courtly training Cyrus earned a double reputation; first he
was held to be a paragon of modesty among his fellows, rendering an
obedience to his elders which exceeded that of many of his own
inferiors; and next he bore away the palm for skill in horsemanship
and for love of the animal itself. Nor less in matters of war, in the
use of the bow and the javelin, was he held by men in general to be at  5
once the aptest of learners and the most eager practiser. As soon as
his age permitted, the same pre-eminence showed itself in his fondness
for the chase, not without a certain appetite for perilous adventure
in facing the wild beasts themselves. Once a bear made a furious rush
at him (2), and without wincing he grappled with her, and was pulled
from his horse, receiving wounds the scars of which were visible
through life; but in the end he slew the creature, nor did he forget
him who first came to his aid, but made him enviable in the eyes of
many.

 (2) The elder Cyrus, when a boy, kills not a bear but a boar.

After he had been sent down by his father to be satrap of Lydia and
Great Phrygia and Cappadocia, and had been appointed general of the
forces, whose business it is to muster in the plain of the Castolus,
nothing was more noticeable in his conduct than the importance which
he attached to the faithful fulfilment of every treaty or compact or
undertaking entered into with others. He would tell no lies to any
one. Thus doubtless it was that he won the confidence alike of
individuals and of the communities entrusted to his care; or in case
of hostility, a treaty made with Cyrus was a guarantee sufficient to
the combatant that he would suffer nothing contrary to its terms.
Therefore, in the war with Tissaphernes, all the states of their own
accord chose Cyrus in lieu of Tissaphernes, except only the men of
Miletus, and these were only alienated through fear of him, because he
refused to abandon their exiled citizens; and his deeds and words bore
emphatic witness to his principle: even if they were weakened in
number or in fortune, he would never abandon those who had once become
his friends.

He made no secret of his endeavour to outdo his friends and his foes
alike in reciprocity of conduct. The prayer has been attributed to
him, "God grant I may live along enough to recompense my friends and
requite my foes with a strong arm." However this may be, no one, at
least in our days, ever drew together so ardent a following of
friends, eager to lay at his feet their money, their cities, their own
lives and persons; nor is it to be inferred from this that he suffered
the malefactor and the wrongdoer to laugh him to scorn; on the          13
contrary, these he punished most unflinchingly. It was no rare sight
to see on the well-trodden highways, men who had forfeited hand or
foot or eye; the result being that throughout the satrapy of Cyrus any
one, Hellene or barbarian, provided he were innocent, might fearlessly
travel wherever he pleased, and take with him whatever he felt
disposed. However, as all allowed, it was for the brave in war that he
reserved especial honour. To take the first instance to hand, he had a
war with the Pisidians and Mysians. Being himself at the head of an
expedition into those territories, he could observe those who
voluntarily encountered risks; these he made rulers of the territory
which he subjected, and afterwards honoured them with other gifts. So
that, if the good and brave were set on a pinnacle of fortune, cowards
were recognised as their natural slaves; and so it befell that Cyrus
never had lack of volunteers in any service of danger, whenever it was
expected that his eye would be upon them.

So again, wherever he might discover any one ready to distinguish
himself in the service of uprightness, his delight was to make this
man richer than those who seek for gain by unfair means. On the same
principle, his own administration was in all respects uprightly
conducted, and, in particular, he secured the services of an army
worthy of the name. Generals, and subalterns alike, came to him from
across the seas, not merely to make money, but because they saw that
loyalty to Cyrus was a more profitable investment than so many pounds
a month. Let any man whatsoever render him willing service, such
enthusiasm was sure to win its reward. And so Cyrus could always
command the service of the best assistants, it was said, whatever the
work might be.

Or if he saw any skilful and just steward who furnished well the
country over which he ruled, and created revenues, so far from robbing
him at any time, to him who had, he delighted to give more. So that
toil was a pleasure, and gains were amassed with confidence, and least
of all from Cyrus would a man conceal the amount of his possessions,
seeing that he showed no jealousy of wealth openly avowed, but his      19
endeavour was rather to turn to account the riches of those who kept
them secret. Towards the friends he had made, whose kindliness he
knew, or whose fitness as fellow-workers with himself, in aught which
he might wish to carry out, he had tested, he showed himself in turn
an adept in the arts of courtesy. Just in proportion as he felt the
need of this friend or that to help him, so he tried to help each of
them in return in whatever seemed to be their heart's desire.

Many were the gifts bestowed on him, for many and diverse reasons; no
one man, perhaps, ever received more; no one, certainly, was ever more
ready to bestow them upon others, with an eye ever to the taste of
each, so as to gratify what he saw to be the individual requirement.
Many of these presents were sent to him to serve as personal
adornments of the body or for battle; and as touching these he would
say, "How am I to deck myself out in all these? to my mind a man's
chief ornament is the adornment of nobly-adorned friends." Indeed,
that he should triumph over his friends in the great matters of
welldoing is not surprising, seeing that he was much more powerful
than they, but that he should go beyond them in minute attentions, and
in an eager desire to give pleasure, seems to me, I must confess, more
admirable. Frequently when he had tasted some specially excellent
wine, he would send the half remaining flagon to some friend with a
message to say: "Cyrus says, this is the best wine he has tasted for a
long time, that is his excuse for sending it to you. He hopes you will
drink it up to-day with a choice party of friends." Or, perhaps, he
would send the remainder of a dish of geese, half loaves of bread, and
so forth, the bearer being instructed to say: "This is Cyrus's
favourite dish, he hopes you will taste it yourself." Or, perhaps,
there was a great dearth of provender, when, through the number of his
servants and his own careful forethought, he was enabled to get
supplies for himself; at such times he would send to his friends in
different parts, bidding them feed their horses on his hay, since it
would not do for the horses that carried his friends to go starving.
Then, on any long march or expedition, where the crowd of lookers-on    28
would be large, he would call his friends to him and entertain them
with serious talk, as much as to say, "These I delight to honour."

So that, for myself, and from all that I can hear, I should be
disposed to say that no one, Greek or barbarian, was ever so beloved.
In proof of this, I may cite the fact that, though Cyrus was the
king's vassal and slave, no one ever forsook him to join his master,
if I may except the attempt of Orontas, which was abortive. That man,
indeed, had to learn that Cyrus was closer to the heart of him on
whose fidelity he relied than he himself was. On the other hand, many
a man revolted from the king to Cyrus, after they went to war with one
another; nor were these nobodies, but rather persons high in the
king's affection; yet for all that, they believed that their virtues
would obtain a reward more adequate from Cyrus than from the king.
Another great proof at once of his own worth and of his capacity
rightly to discern all loyal, loving and firm friendship is afforded
by an incident which belongs to the last moment of his life. He was
slain, but fighting for his life beside him fell also every one of his
faithful bodyguard of friends and table-companions, with the sole
exception of Ariaeus, who was in command of the cavalry on the left,
and he no sooner perceived the fall of Cyrus than he betook himself to
flight, with the whole body of troops under his lead.

X

Then the head of Cyrus and his right hand were severed from the body.   1
But the king and those about him pursued and fell upon the Cyreian
camp, and the troops of Ariaeus no longer stood their ground, but fled
through their own camp back to the halting-place of the night
before--a distance of four parasangs, it was said. So the king and
those with him fell to ravaging right and left, and amongst other
spoil he captured the Phocaean woman, who was a concubine of Cyrus,
witty and beautiful, if fame speaks correctly. The Milesian, who was
the younger, was also seized by some of the king's men; but, letting
go her outer garment, she made good her escape to the Hellenes, who
had been left among the camp followers on guard. These fell at once     3
into line and put to the sword many of the pillagers, though they lost
some men themselves; they stuck to the place and succeeded in saving
not only that lady, but all else, whether chattels or human beings,
which lay within their reach.

At this point the king and the Hellenes were something like three
miles apart; the one set were pursuing their opponents just as if
their conquest had been general; the others were pillaging as merrily
as if their victory were already universal. But when the Hellenes
learnt that the king and his troops were in the baggage camp; and the
king, on his side, was informed by Tissaphernes that the Hellenes were
victorious in their quarter of the field, and had gone forward in
pursuit, the effect was instantaneous. The king massed his troops and
formed into line. Clearchus summoned Proxenus, who was next him, and
debated whether to send a detachment or to go in a body to the camp to
save it.

Meanwhile the king was seen again advancing, as it seemed, from the
rear; and the Hellenes, turning right about, prepared to receive his
attack then and there. But instead of advancing upon them at that
point, he drew off, following the line by which he had passed earlier
in the day, outside the left wing of his opponent, and so picked up in
his passage those who had deserted to the Hellenes during the battle,
as also Tissaphernes and his division. The latter had not fled in the
first shock of the encounter; he had charged parallel to the line of
the Euphrates into the Greek peltasts, and through them. But charge as
he might, he did not lay low a single man. On the contrary, the
Hellenes made a gap to let them through, hacking them with their
swords and hurling their javelins as they passed. Episthenes of
Amphipolis was in command of the peltasts, and he showed himself a
sensible man, it was said. Thus it was that Tissaphernes, having got
through haphazard, with rather the worst of it, failed to wheel round
and return the way he came, but reaching the camp of the Hellenes,      8
there fell in with the king; and falling into order again, the two
divisions advanced side by side.

When they were parallel with the (original) left wing of the Hellenes,
fear seized the latter lest they might take them in flank and enfold
them on both sides and cut them down. In this apprehension they
determined to extend their line and place the river on their rear. But
while they deliberated, the king passed by and ranged his troops in
line to meet them, in exactly the same position in which he had
advanced to offer battle at the commencement of the engagement. The
Hellenes, now seeing them in close proximity and in battle order, once
again raised the paean and began the attack with still greater
enthusiasm than before: and once again the barbarians did not wait to
receive them, but took to flight, even at a greater distance than
before. The Hellenes pressed the pursuit until they reached a certain
village, where they halted, for above the village rose a mound, on
which the king and his party rallied and reformed; they had no
infantry any longer, but the crest was crowded with cavalry, so that
it was impossible to discover what was happening. They did see, they
said, the royal standard, a kind of golden eagle, with wings extended,
perched on a bar of wood and raised upon a lance.

But as soon as the Hellenes again moved onwards, the hostile cavalry
at once left the hillock--not in a body any longer, but in
fragments--some streaming from one side, some from another; and the
crest was gradually stripped of its occupants, till at last the
company was gone. Accordingly, Clearchus did not ascend the crest, but
posting his army at its base, he sent Lycius of Syracuse and another
to the summit, with orders to inspect the condition of things on the
other side, and to report results. Lycius galloped up and
investigated, bringing back news that they were fleeing might and
main. Almost at that instant the sun sank beneath the horizon. There
the Hellenes halted; they grounded arms and rested, marvelling the
while that Cyrus was not anywhere to be seen, and that no messenger
had come from him. For they were in complete ignorance of his death,
and conjectured that either he had gone off in pursuit, or had pushed
forward to occupy some point. Left to themselves, they now
deliberated, whether they should stay where they were and have the
baggage train brought up, or should return to camp. They resolved to
return, and about supper time reached the tents. Such was the
conclusion of this day.

They found the larger portion of their property pillaged, eatables and
drinkables alike, not excepting the wagons laden with corn and wine,
which Cyrus had prepared in case of some extreme need overtaking the
expedition, to divide among the Hellenes. There were four hundred of
these wagons, it was said, and these had now been ransacked by the
king and his men; so that the greater number of the Hellenes went
supperless, having already gone without their breakfasts, since the
king had appeared before the usual halt for breakfast. Accordingly, in
no better plight than this they passed the night.

BOOK II

     (In the previous book will be found a full account of the
     method by which Cyrus collected a body of Greeks when
     meditating an expedition against his brother Artaxerxes; as
     also of various occurrences on the march up; of the battle
     itself, and of the death of Cyrus; and lastly, a description
     of the arrival of the Hellenes in camp after the battle, and
     as to how they betook themselves to rest, none suspecting
     but what they were altogether victorious and that Cyrus
     lived.)

I

With the break of day the generals met, and were surprised that Cyrus   1
should not have appeared himself, or at any rate have sent some one to
tell them what to do. Accordingly, they resolved to put what they had
together, to get under arms, and to push forward until they effected
junction with Cyrus. Just as they were on the point of starting, with
the rising sun came Procles the ruler of Teuthrania. He was a
descendant of Damaratus (1) the Laconian, and with him also came Glus
the son of Tamos. These two told them, first, that Cyrus was dead;
next, that Ariaeus had retreated with the rest of the barbarians to
the halting-place whence they had started at dawn on the previous day;
and wished to inform them that, if they were minded to come, he would
wait for this one day, but on the morrow he should return home again
to Ionia, whence he came.

 (1) The Spartan king who was deposed in B.C. 491, whereupon he fled to
    King Darius, and settled in south-western Mysia. See Herod. vi.
    50, 61-70. We shall hear more of his descendant, Procles, the
    ruler of Teuthrania, in the last chapter of this work.

When they heard these tidings, the generals were sorely distressed; so  4
too were the rest of the Hellenes when they were informed of it. Then
Clearchus spoke as follows: "Would that Cyrus were yet alive! But
since he is dead, take back this answer to Ariaeus, that we, at any
rate, have conquered the king; and, as you yourselves may see, there
is not a man left in the field to meet us. Indeed, had you not
arrived, we should ere this have begun our march upon the king. Now,
we can promise to Ariaeus that, if he will join us here, we will place
him on the king's throne. Surely to those who conquer empire
pertains." With these words he sent back the messengers and with them
he sent Cheirisophus the Laconian, and Menon the Thessalian. That was
what Menon himself wished, being, as he was, a friend and intimate of
Ariaeus, and bound by mutual ties of hospitality. So these set off,
and Clearchus waited for them.

The soldiers furnished themselves with food  (and drink) as best they
might--falling back on the baggage animals, and cutting up oxen and
asses. There was no lack of firewood; they need only step forward a
few paces from the line where the battle was fought, and they would
find arrows to hand in abundance, which the Hellenes had forced the
deserters from the king to throw away. There were arrows and wicker
shields also, and the huge wooden shields of the Egyptians. There were
many targets also, and empty wagons left to be carried off. Here was a
store which they were not slow to make use of to cook their meat and
serve their meals that day.

It was now about full market hour (2) when heralds from the king and
Tissaphernes arrived. These were barbarians with one exception. This
was a certain Phalinus, a Hellene who lived at the court of
Tissaphernes, and was held in high esteem. He gave himself out to be a
connoisseur of tactics and the art of fighting with heavy arms. These
were the men who now came up, and having summoned the generals of the
Hellenes, they delivered themselves of the following message: "The
great king having won the victory and slain Cyrus, bids the Hellenes
to surrender their arms; to betake themselves to the gates of the
king's palace, and there obtain for themselves what terms they can."
That was what the heralds said, and the Hellenes listened with heavy    9
hearts; but Clearchus spoke, and his words were few; "Conquerors do
not, as a rule, give up their arms"; then turning to the others he
added, "I leave it to you, my fellow-generals, to make the best and
noblest answer, that ye may, to these gentlemen. I will rejoin you
presently." At the moment an official had summoned him to come and
look at the entrails which had been taken out, for, as it chanced, he
was engaged in sacrificing. As soon as he was gone, Cleanor the
Arcadian, by right of seniority, answered: "They would sooner die than
give up their arms." Then Proxenus the Theban said: "For my part, I
marvel if the king demands our arms as our master, or for the sake of
friendship merely, as presents. If as our master, why need he ask for
them rather than come and take them? But if he would fain wheedle us
out of them by fine speeches, he should tell us what the soldiers will
receive in turn for such kindness." In answer to him Phalinus said:
"The king claims to have conquered, because he has put Cyrus to death;
and who is there now to claim the kingdom as against himself? He
further flatters himself that you also are in his power, since he
holds you in the heart of his country, hemmed in by impassable rivers;
and he can at any moment bring against you a multitude so vast that
even if leave were given to rise and slay you could not kill them."
After him Theopompus (3) the Athenian spoke. "Phalinus," he said, "at
this instant, as you yourself can see, we have nothing left but our
arms and our valour. If we keep the former we imagine we can make use
of the latter; but if we deliver up our arms we shall presently be
robbed of our lives. Do not suppose then that we are going to give up
to you the only good things which we possess. We prefer to keep them;
and by their help we will do battle with you for the good things which
are yours." Phalinus laughed when he heard those words, and said:       13
"Spoken like a philosopher, my fine young man, and very pretty
reasoning too; yet, let me tell you, your wits are somewhat scattered
if you imagine that your valour will get the better of the king's
power." There were one or two others, it was said, who with a touch of
weakness in their tone or argument, made answer: "They had proved good
and trusty friends to Cyrus, and the king might find them no less
valuable. If he liked to be friends with them, he might turn them to
any use that pleased his fancy, say for a campaign against Egypt.
Their arms were at his service; they would help to lay that country at
his feet."

 (2) 10 A.M.

 (3) So the best MSS. Others read "Xenophon," which Kruger maintains to
    be the true reading. He suggests that "Theopompus" may have crept
    into the text from a marginal note of a scholiast, "Theopompus"
    (the historian) "gives the remark to Proxenus."

Just then Clearchus returned, and wished to know what answer they had
given. The words were barely out of his mouth before Phalinus
interrupting, answered: "As for your friends here, one says one thing
and one another; will you please give us your opinion"; and he
replied: "The sight of you, Phalinus, caused me much pleasure; and not
only me, but all of us, I feel sure; for you are a Hellene even as we
are--every one of us whom you see before you. In our present plight we
would like to take you into our counsel as to what we had better do
touching your proposals. I beg you then solemnly, in the sight of
heaven--do you tender us such advice as you shall deem best and
worthiest, and such as shall bring you honour of after time, when it
will be said of you how once on a time Phalinus was sent by the great
king to bid certain Hellenes yield up their arms, and when they had
taken him into their counsel, he gave them such and such advice. You
know that whatever advice you do give us cannot fail to be reported in
Hellas."

Clearchus threw out these leading remarks in hopes that this man, who
was the ambassador from the king, might himself be led to advise them
not to give up their arms, in which case the Hellenes would be still
more sanguine and hopeful. But, contrary to his expectation, Phalinus
turned round and said: "I say that if you have one chance, one hope in
ten thousand to wage a war with the king successfully, do not give up
your arms. That is my advice. If, however, you have no chance of
escape without the king's consent, then I say save yourselves in the
only way you can." And Clearchus answered: "So, then, that is your      20
deliberate view? Well, this is our answer, take it back. We conceive
that in either case, whether we are expected to be friends with the
king, we shall be worth more as friends if we keep our arms than if we
yield them to another; or whether we are to go to war, we shall fight
better with them than without." And Phalinus said: "That answer we
will repeat; but the king bade me tell you this besides, 'Whilst you
remain here there is truce; but one step forward or one step back, the
truce ends; there is war.' Will you then please inform us as to that
point also? Are you minded to stop and keep truce, or is there to be
war? What answer shall I take from you?" And Clearchus replied: "Pray
answer that we hold precisely the same views on this point as the
king."--"How say you the same views?" asked Phalinus. Clearchus made
answer: "As long as we stay here there is truce, but a step forward or
a step backward, the truce ends; there is war." The other again asked:
"Peace or war, what answer shall I make?" Clearchus returned answer
once again in the same words: "Truce if we stop, but if we move
forwards or backwards war." But what he was minded really to do, that
he refused to make further manifest.

II

Phalinus and those that were with him turned and went. But the          1
messengers from Ariaeus, Procles and Cheirisophus came back. As to
Menon, he stayed behind with Ariaeus, They brought back this answer
from Ariaeus: "'There are many Persians,' he says, 'better than
himself who will not suffer him to sit upon the king's throne; but if
you are minded to go back with him, you must join him this very night,
otherwise he will set off himself to-morrow on the homeward route.'"
And Clearchus said: "It had best stand thus between us then. If we
come, well and good, be it as you propose; but if we do not come, do
whatsoever you think most conducive to your interests." And so he kept
these also in the dark as to his real intention.

After this, when the sun was already sinking, he summoned the generals
and officers, and made the following statement: "Sirs, I sacrificed
and found the victims unfavourable to an advance against the king.
After all, it is not so surprising perhaps, for, as I now learn,
between us and the king flows the river Tigris, navigable for big       3
vessels, and we could not possibly cross it without boats, and boats
we have none. On the other hand, to stop here is out of the question,
for there is no possibility of getting provisions. However, the
victims were quite agreeable to us joining the friends of Cyrus. This
is what we must do then. Let each go away and sup on whatever he has.
At the first sound of the bugle to turn in, get kit and baggage
together; at the second signal, place them on the baggage animals; and
at the third, fall in and follow the lead, with the baggage animals on
the inside protected by the river, and the troops outside." After
hearing the orders, the generals and officers retired, and did as they
were bid; and for the future Clearchus led, and the rest followed in
obedience to his orders, not that they had expressly chosen him, but
they saw that he alone had the sense and wisdom requisite in a
general, while the rest were inexperienced (1).

 (1) The MSS. add the words, "The total distance of the route, taking
    Ephesus in Ionia as the starting point up to the field of battle,
    consisted of 93 stages, 535 parasangs, or 16,050 furlongs; from
    the battle-field to Babylon (reckoned a three days' journey) would
    have been another 360 stades," which may well be an editor's or
    commentator's marginal note.

Here, under cover of the darkness which descended, the Thracian
Miltocythes, with forty horsemen and three hundred Thracian infantry,
deserted to the king; but the rest of the troops--Clearchus leading
and the rest following in accordance with the orders promulgated--took
their departure, and about midnight reached their first stage, having
come up with Ariaeus and his army. They grounded arms just as they
stood in rank, and the generals and officers of the Hellenes met in
the tent of Ariaeus. There they exchanged oaths--the Hellenes on the
one side and Ariaeus with his principal officers on the other--not to
betray one another, but to be true to each other as allies. The
Asiatics further solemnly pledged themselves by oath to lead the way
without treachery. The oaths were ratified by the sacrifice of a bull,
a wolf (2), a boar, and a ram over a shield. The Hellenes dipped a
sword, the barbarians a lance, into the blood of the victims.

 (2) It is a question whether the words "a wolf" ought not to be
    omitted.

As soon as the pledge was taken, Clearchus spoke: "And now, Ariaeus,"
he said, "since you and we have one expedition in prospect, will you    10
tell us what you think about the route; shall we return the way we
came, or have you devised a better?" He answered: "To return the same
way is to perish to a man by hunger; for at this moment we have no
provisions whatsoever. During the seventeen last stages, even on our
way hither, we could extract nothing from the country; or, if there
was now and again anything, we passed over and utterly consumed it. At
this time our project is to take another and a longer journey
certainly, but we shall not be in straits for provisions. The earliest
stages must be very long, as long as we can make them; the object is
to put as large a space as possible between us and the royal army;
once we are two or three days' journey off, the danger is over. The
king will never overtake us. With a small army he will not dare to dog
our heels, and with a vast equipment he will lack the power to march
quickly. Perhaps he, too, may even find a scarcity of provisions.
There," said he, "you asked for my opinion, see, I have given it."

Here was a plan of the campaign, which was equivalent to a stampede:
helter-skelter they were to run away, or get into hiding somehow; but
fortune proved a better general. For as soon as it was day they
recommenced the journey, keeping the sun on their right, and
calculating that with the westering rays they would have reached
villages in the territory of Babylonia, and in this hope they were not
deceived. While it was yet afternoon, they thought they caught sight
of some of the enemy's cavalry; and those of the Hellenes who were not
in rank ran to their ranks; and Ariaeus, who was riding in a wagon to
nurse a wound, got down and donned his cuirass, the rest of his party
following his example. Whilst they were arming themselves, the scouts,
who had been sent forward, came back with the information that they
were not cavalry but baggage animals grazing. It was at once clear to
all that they must be somewhere in the neighbourhood of the king's
encampment. Smoke could actually be seen rising, evidently from
villages not far ahead. Clearchus hesitated to advance upon the enemy,
knowing that the troops were tired and hungry; and indeed it was
already late. On the other hand he had no mind either to swerve from
his route--guarding against any appearance of flight. Accordingly he    16
marched straight as an arrow, and with sunset entered the nearest
villages with his vanguard and took up quarters.

These villages had been thoroughly sacked and dismantled by the royal
army--down to the very woodwork and furniture of the houses. Still,
the vanguard contrived to take up their quarters in some sort of
fashion; but the rear division, coming up in the dark, had to bivouac
as best they could, one detachment after another; and a great noise
they made, with hue and cry to one another, so that the enemy could
hear them; and those in their immediate proximity actually took to
their heels, left their quarters, and decamped, as was plain enough
next morning, when not a beast was to be seen, nor sign of camp or
wreath of smoke anywhere in the neighbourhood. The king, as it would
appear, was himself quite taken aback by the advent of the army; as he
fully showed by his proceedings next day.

During the progress of this night the Hellenes had their turn of
scare--a panic seized them, and there was a noise and clatter, hardly
to be explained except by the visitation of some sudden terror. But
Clearchus had with him the Eleian Tolmides, the best herald of his
time; him he ordered to proclaim silence, and then to give out this
proclamation of the generals: "Whoever will give any information as to
who let an ass into the camp shall receive a talent of silver in
reward." On hearing this proclamation the soldiers made up their minds
that their fear was baseless, and their generals safe and sound. At
break of day Clearchus gave the order to the Hellenes to get under
arms in line of battle, and take up exactly the same position as they
held on the day of the battle.

III

And now comes the proof of what I stated above--that the king was       1
utterly taken aback by the sudden apparition of the army; only the day
before, he had sent and demanded the surrender of their arms--and now,
with the rising sun, came heralds sent by him to arrange a truce.
These, having reached the advanced guard, asked for the generals. The
guard reported their arrival; and Clearchus, who was busy inspecting
the ranks, sent back word to the heralds that they must await his
leisure. Having carefully arranged the troops so that from every side
they might present the appearance of a compact battle line without a    3
single unarmed man in sight, he summoned the ambassadors, and himself
went forward to meet them with the soldiers, who for choice
accoutrement and noble aspect were the flower of his force; a course
which he had invited the other generals also to adopt.

And now, being face to face with the ambassadors, he questioned them
as to what their wishes were. They replied that they had come to
arrange a truce, and were persons competent to carry proposals from
the king to the Hellenes and from the Hellenes to the king. He
returned answer to them: "Take back word then to your master, that we
need a battle first, for we have had no breakfast; and he will be a
brave man who will dare mention the word 'truce' to Hellenes without
providing them with breakfast." With this message the heralds rode
off, but were back again in no time, which was a proof that the king,
or some one appointed by him to transact the business, was hard by.
They reported that "the message seemed reasonable to the king; they
had now come bringing guides who, if a truce were arranged, would
conduct them where they would get provisions." Clearchus inquired
"whether the truce was offered to the individual men merely as they
went and came, or to all alike." "To all," they replied, "until the
king receives your final answer." When they had so spoken, Clearchus,
having removed the ambassadors, held a council; and it was resolved to
make a truce at once, and then quietly to go and secure provisions;
and Clearchus said: "I agree to the resolution; still I do not propose
to announce it at once, but to wile away time till the ambassadors
begin to fear that we have decided against the truce; though I
suspect," he added, "the same fear will be operative on the minds of
our soldiers also." As soon as the right moment seemed to have
arrived, he delivered his answer in favour of the truce, and bade the
ambassadors at once conduct them to the provisions.

So these led the way; and Clearchus, without relaxing precaution, in
spite of having secured a truce, marched after them with his army in
line and himself in command of the rearguard. Over and over again they
encountered trenches and conduits so full of water that they could not  10
be crossed without bridges; but they contrived well enough for these
by means of trunks of palm trees which had fallen, or which they cut
down for the occasion. And here Clearchus's system of superintendence
was a study in itself; as he stood with a spear in his left hand and a
stick in the other; and when it seemed to him there was any dawdling
among the parties told off to the work, he would pick out the right
man and down would come the stick; nor, at the same time, was he above
plunging into the mud and lending a hand himself, so that every one
else was forced for very shame to display equal alacrity. The men told
off for the business were the men of thirty years of age; but even the
elder men, when they saw the energy of Clearchus, could not resist
lending their aid also. What stimulated the haste of Clearchus was the
suspicion in his mind that these trenches were not, as a rule, so full
of water, since it was not the season to irrigate the plain; and he
fancied that the king had let the water on for the express purpose of
vividly presenting to the Hellenes the many dangers with which their
march was threatened at the very start.

Proceeding on their way they reached some villages, where their guides
indicated to them that they would find provisions. They were found to
contain plenty of corn, and wine made from palm dates, and an
acidulated beverage extracted by boiling from the same fruit. As to
the palm nuts or dates themselves, it was noticeable that the sort
which we are accustomed to see in Hellas were set aside for the
domestic servants; those put aside for the masters are picked
specimens, and are simply marvellous for their beauty and size,
looking like great golden lumps of amber; some specimens they dried
and preserved as sweetmeats. Sweet enough they were as an
accompaniment of wine, but apt to give headache. Here, too, for the
first time in their lives, the men tasted the brain (1) of the palm. No
one could help being struck by the beauty of this object, and the
peculiarity of its delicious flavour; but this, like the dried fruits,
was exceedingly apt to give headache. When this cabbage or brain has
been removed from the palm the whole tree withers from top to bottom.

 (1) I.e. the cabbage-like crown.

In these villages they remained three days, and a deputation from the   17
great king arrived--Tissaphernes and the king's brother-in-law and
three other Persians--with a retinue of many slaves. As soon as the
generals of the Hellenes had presented themselves, Tissaphernes opened
the proceedings with the following speech, through the lips of an
interpreter: "Men of Hellas, I am your next-door neighbour in Hellas.
Therefore was it that I, when I saw into what a sea of troubles you
were fallen, regarded it as a godsend, if by any means I might obtain,
as a boon from the king, the privilege of bringing you back in safety
to your own country: and that, I take it, will earn me gratitude from
you and all Hellas. In this determination I preferred my request to
the king; I claimed it as a favour which was fairly my due; for was it
not I who first announced to him the hostile approach of Cyrus? who
supported that announcement by the aid I brought; who alone among the
officers confronted with the Hellenes in battle did not flee, but
charged right through and united my troops with the king inside your
camp, where he was arrived, having slain Cyrus; it was I, lastly, who
gave chase to the barbarians under Cyrus, with the help of those here
present with me at this moment, which are also among the trustiest
followers of our lord the king. Now, I counsel you to give a moderate
answer, so that it may be easier for me to carry out my design, if
haply I may obtain from him some good thing on your behalf."

Thereupon the Hellenes retired and took counsel. Then they answered,
and Clearchus was their spokesman: "We neither mustered as a body to
make war against the king, nor was our march conducted with that
object. But it was Cyrus, as you know, who invented many and divers
pretexts, that he might take you off your guard, and transport us
hither. Yet, after a while, when we saw that he was in sore straits,
we were ashamed in the sight of God and man to betray him, whom we had
permitted for so long a season to benefit us. But now that Cyrus is
dead, we set up no claim to his kingdom against the king himself;
there is neither person nor thing for the sake of which we would care   23
to injure the king's country; we would not choose to kill him if we
could, rather we would march straight home, if we were not molested;
but, God helping us, we will retaliate on all who injure us. On the
other hand, if any be found to benefit us, we do not mean to be
outdone in kindly deeds, as far as in us lies."

So he spoke, and Tissaphernes listened and replied: "That answer will
I take back to the king and bring you word from him again. Until I
come again, let the truce continue, and we will furnish you with a
market." All next day he did not come back, and the Hellenes were
troubled with anxieties, but on the third day he arrived with the news
that he had obtained from the king the boon he asked; he was permitted
to save the Hellenes, though there were many gainsayers who argued
that it was not seemly for the king to let those who had marched
against him depart in peace. And at last he said: "You may now, if you
like, take pledges from us, that we will make the countries through
which you pass friendly to you, and will lead you back without
treachery into Hellas, and will furnish you with a market; and
wherever you cannot purchase, we will permit you to take provisions
from the district. You, on your side, must swear that you will march
as through a friendly country, without damage--merely taking food and
drink wherever we fail to supply a market--or, if we afford a market,
you shall only obtain provisions by paying for them." This was agreed
to, and oaths and pledges exchanged between them--Tissaphernes and the
king's brother-in-law upon the one side, and the generals and officers
of the Hellenes on the other. After this Tissaphernes said: "And now I
go back to the king; as soon as I have transacted what I have a mind
to, I will come back, ready equipped, to lead you away to Hellas, and
to return myself to my own dominion."

IV

After these things the Hellenes and Ariaeus waited for Tissaphernes,    1
being encamped close to one another: for more than twenty days they
waited, during which time there came visitors to Ariaeus, his brother
and other kinsfolk. To those under him came certain other Persians,
encouraging them and bearing pledges to some of them from the king
himself--that he would bear no grudge against them on account of the
part they bore in the expedition against him with Cyrus, or for aught
else of the things which were past. Whilst these overtures were being
made, Ariaeus and his friends gave manifest signs of paying less
attention to the Hellenes, so much so that, if for no other reason,
the majority of the latter were not well pleased, and they came to
Clearchus and the other generals, asking what they were waiting for.
"Do we not know full well," they said, "that the king would give a
great deal to destroy us, so that other Hellenes may take warning and
think twice before they march against the king. To-day it suits his
purpose to induce us to stop here, because his army is scattered; but
as soon as he has got together another armament, attack us most
certainly he will. How do we know he is not at this moment digging
away at trenches, or running up walls, to make our path impassable. It
is not to be supposed that he will desire us to return to Hellas with
a tale how a handful of men like ourselves beat the king at his own
gates, laughed him to scorn, and then came home again." Clearchus
replied: "I too am keenly aware of all this; but I reason thus: if we
turn our backs now, they will say, we mean war and are acting contrary
to the truce, and then what follows? First of all, no one will furnish
us with a market or means of providing ourselves with food. Next, we
shall have no one to guide us; moreover, such action on our part will
be a signal to Ariaeus to hold aloof from us, so that not a friend
will be left to us; even those who were formerly our friends will now
be numbered with our enemies. What other river, or rivers, we may find
we have to cross, I do not know; but this we know, to cross the
Euphrates in face of resistance is impossible. You see, in the event
of being driven to an engagement, we have no cavalry to help us, but
with the enemy it is the reverse--not only the most, but the best of
his troops are cavalry, so that if we are victorious, we shall kill no
one, but if we are defeated, not a man of us can escape. For my part,
I cannot see why the king, who has so many advantages on his side, if   7
he desires to destroy us, should swear oaths and tender solemn pledges
merely in order to perjure himself in the sight of heaven, to render
his word worthless and his credit discreditable the wide world over."
These arguments he propounded at length.

Meanwhile Tissaphernes came back, apparently ready to return home; he
had his own force with him, and so had Orontas, who was also present,
his. The latter brought, moreover, his bride with him, the king's
daughter, whom he had just wedded. The journey was now at length
fairly commenced. Tissaphernes led the way, and provided a market.
They advanced, and Ariaeus advanced too, at the head of Cyrus's
Asiatic troops, side by side with Tissaphernes and Orontas, and with
these two he also pitched his camp. The Hellenes, holding them in
suspicion, marched separately with the guides, and they encamped on
each occasion a parasang apart, or rather less; and both parties kept
watch upon each other as if they were enemies, which hardly tended to
lull suspicion; and sometimes, whilst foraging for wood and grass and
so forth on the same ground, blows were exchanged, which occasioned
further embitterments. Three stages they had accomplished ere they
reached the wall of Media, as it is called, and passed within it. It
was built of baked bricks laid upon bitumen. It was twenty feet broad
and a hundred feet high, and the length of it was said to be twenty
parasangs. It lies at no great distance from Babylon.

From this point they marched two stages--eight parasangs--and crossed
two canals, the first by a regular bridge, the other spanned by a
bridge of seven boats. These canals issued from the Tigris, and from
them a whole system of minor trenches was cut, leading over the
country, large ones to begin with, and then smaller and smaller, till
at last they become the merest runnels, like those in Hellas used for
watering millet fields. They reached the river Tigris. At this point
there was a large and thickly populated city named Sittace, at a        13
distance of fifteen furlongs from the river. The Hellenes accordingly
encamped by the side of that city, near a large and beautiful park,
which was thick with all sorts of trees.

The Asiatics had crossed the Tigris, but somehow were entirely hidden
from view. After supper, Proxenus and Xenophon were walking in front
of the place d'armes, when a man came up and demanded of the advanced
guard where he could find Proxenus or Clearchus. He did not ask for
Menon, and that too though he came from Ariaeus, who was Menon's
friend. As soon as Proxenus had said: "I am he, whom you seek," the
man replied: "I have been sent by Ariaeus and Artaozus, who have been
trusty friends to Cyrus in past days, and are your well-wishers. They
warn you to be on your guard, in case the barbarians attack you in the
night. There is a large body of troops in the neighbouring park. They
also warn you to send and occupy the bridge over the Tigris, since
Tissaphernes is minded to break it down in the night, if he can, so
that you may not cross, but be caught between the river and the
canal." On hearing this they took the man to Clearchus and acquainted
him with his statement. Clearchus, on his side, was much disturbed,
and indeed alarmed at the news. But a young fellow who was present (1),
struck with an idea, suggested that the two statements were
inconsistent; as to the contemplated attack and the proposed
destruction of the bridge. Clearly, the attacking party must either
conquer or be worsted: if they conquer, what need of their breaking
down the bridge? "Why! if there were half a dozen bridges," said he,
"we should not be any the more able to save ourselves by flight--there
would be no place to flee to; but, in the opposite case, suppose we
win, with the bridge broken down, it is they who will not be able to
save themselves by flight; and, what is worse for them, not a single
soul will be able to bring them succour from the other side, for all
their numbers, since the bridge will be broken down."

 (1) Possibly Xenophon himself.

Clearchus listened to the reasoning, and then he asked the messenger,
"How large the country between the Tigris and the canal might be?" "A   21
large district," he replied, "and in it are villages and cities
numerous and large." Then it dawned upon them: the barbarians had sent
the man with subtlety, in fear lest the Hellenes should cut the bridge
and occupy the island territory, with the strong defences of the
Tigris on the one side and of the canal on the other; supplying
themselves with provisions from the country so included, large and
rich as it was, with no lack of hands to till it; in addition to
which, a harbour of refuge and asylum would be found for any one, who
was minded to do the king a mischief.

After this they retired to rest in peace, not, however, neglecting to
send a guard to occupy the bridge in spite of all, and there was no
attack from any quarter whatsoever; nor did any of the enemy's people
approach the bridges: so the guards were able to report next morning.
But as soon as it was morning, they proceeded to cross the bridge,
which consisted of thirty-seven vessels, and in so doing they used the
utmost precaution possible; for reports were brought by some of the
Hellenes with Tissaphernes that an attempt was to be made to attack
them while crossing. All this turned out to be false, though it is
true that while crossing they did catch sight of Glus watching, with
some others, to see if they crossed the river; but as soon as he had
satisfied himself on that point, he rode off and was gone.

From the river Tigris they advanced four stages--twenty parasangs--to
the river Physcus, which is a hundred feet broad and spanned by a
bridge. Here lay a large and populous city named Opis, close to which
the Hellenes were encountered by the natural brother of Cyrus and
Artaxerxes, who was leading a large army from Susa and Ecbatana to
assist the king. He halted his troops and watched the Helleens march
past. Clearchus led them in column two abreast: and from time to time
the vanguard came to a standstill, just so often and just so long the
effect repeated itself down to the hindmost man: halt! halt! halt!
along the whole line: so that even to the Hellenes themselves their
army seemed enormous; and the Persian was fairly astonished at the
spectacle.

From this place they marched through Media six desert stages--thirty    27
parasangs--to the villages of Parysatis, Cyrus's and the king's
mother. These Tissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, delivered over to the
Hellenes to plunder, except that the folk in them were not to be made
slaves. They contained much corn, cattle, and other property. From
this place they advanced four desert stages--twenty parasangs--keeping
the Tigris on the left. On the first of these stages, on the other
side of the river, lay a large city; it was a well-to-do place named
Caenae, from which the natives used to carry across loaves and cheeses
and wine on rafts made of skins.

V

After this they reached the river Zapatas (1), which is four hundred     1
feet broad, and here they halted three days. During the interval
suspicions were rife, though no act of treachery displayed itself.
Clearchus accordingly resolved to bring to an end these feelings of
mistrust, before they led to war. Consequently, he sent a messenger to
the Persian to say that he desired an interview with him; to which the
other readily consented. As soon as they were met, Clearchus spoke as
follows: "Tissaphernes," he said, "I do not forget that oaths have
been exchanged between us, and right hands shaken, in token that we
will abstain from mutual injury; but I can see that you watch us
narrowly, as if we were foes; and we, seeing this, watch you narrowly
in return. But as I fail to discover, after investigation, that you
are endeavouring to do us a mischief--and I am quite sure that nothing
of the sort has ever entered our heads with regard to you--the best
plan seemed to me to come and talk the matter over with you, so that,
if possible, we might dispel the mutual distrust on either side. For I
have known people ere now, the victims in some cases of calumny, or
possibly of mere suspicion, who in apprehension of one another and
eager to deal the first blow, have committed irreparable wrong against
those who neither intended nor so much as harboured a thought of
mischief against them. I have come to you under a conviction that such  6
misunderstandings may best be put a stop to by personal intercourse,
and I wish to instruct you plainly that you are wrong in mistrusting
us. The first and weightiest reason is that the oaths, which we took
in the sight of heaven, are a barrier to mutual hostility. I envy not
the man whose conscience tells him that he has disregarded these! For
in a war with heaven, by what swiftness of foot can a man escape?--in
what quarter find refuge?--in what darkness slink away and be hid?--to
what strong fortress scale and be out of reach? Are not all things in
all ways subject to the gods? is not their lordship over all alike
outspread? As touching the gods, therefore, and our oaths, that is how
I view this matter. To their safe keeping we consigned the friendship
which we solemnly contracted. But turning to matters human, you I look
upon as our greatest blessing in this present time. With you every
path is plain to us, every river passable, and of provisions we shall
know no stint. But without you, all our way is through darkness; for
we known nothing concerning it, every river will be an obstacle, each
multitude a terror; but, worst terror of all, the vast wilderness, so
full of endless perplexity. Nay, if in a fit of madness we murdered
you, what then? in slaying our benefactor should we not have
challenged to enter the lists against us a more formidable antagonist
in the king himself? Let me tell you, how many high hopes I should rob
myself of, were I to take in hand to do you mischief.

 (1) The Greater Zab, which flows into the Tigris near a town now
    called Senn, with which most travellers identify Caenae.

"I coveted the friendship of Cyrus; I believed him to be abler than
any man of his day to benefit those whom he chose; but to-day I look
and, behold, it is you who are in his place; the power which belonged   11
to Cyrus and his territory are yours now. You have them, and your own
satrapy besides, safe and sound; while the king's power, which was a
thorn in the side of Cyrus, is your support. This being so, it would
be madness not to wish to be your friend. But I will go further and
state to you the reasons of my confidence, that you on your side will
desire our friendship. I know that the Mysians are a cause of trouble
to you, and I flatter myself that with my present force I could render
them humbly obedient to you. This applies to the Pisidians also; and I
am told there are many other such tribes besides. I think I can deal
with them all; they shall cease from being a constant disturbance to
your peace and prosperity. Then there are the Egyptians (2). I know
your anger against them to-day is very great. Nor can I see what
better force you will find to help you in chastising them than this
which marches at my back to-day. Again, if you seek the friendship of
any of your neighbours round, there shall be no friend so great as
you; if any one annoys you, with us as your faithful servitors you
shall belord it over him; and such service we will render you, not as
hirelings merely for pay's sake, but for the gratitude which we shall
rightly feel to you, to whom we owe our lives. As I dwell on these
matters, I confess, the idea of your feeling mistrust of us is so
astonishing, that I would give much to discover the name of the man,
who is so clever of speech that he can persuade you that we harbour
designs against you." Clearchus ended, and Tissaphernes responded
thus--

 (2) We learn from Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 35, that the Egyptians had
    revolted from the Persians towards the end of the reign of Darius.

"I am glad, Clearchus, to listen to your sensible remarks; for with
the sentiments you hold, if you were to devise any mischief against
me, it could only be out of malevolence to yourself. But if you
imagine that you, on your side, have any better reason to mistrust the
king and me, than we you, listen to me in turn, and I will undeceive
you. I ask you, does it seem to you that we lack the means, if we had
the will, to destroy you? have we not horsemen enough, or infantry, or
whatever other arm you like, whereby we may be able to injure you,
without risk of suffering in return? or, possibly, do we seem to you    17
to lack the physical surroundings suitable for attacking you? Do you
not see all these great plains, which you find it hard enough to
traverse even when they are friendly? and all yonder great mountain
chains left for you to cross, which we can at any time occupy in
advance and render impassable? and all those rivers, on whose banks we
can deal craftily by you, checking and controlling and choosing the
right number of you whom we care to fight! Nay, there are some which
you will not be able to cross at all, unless we transport you to the
other side.

"And if at all these points we were worsted, yet 'fire,' as they say,
'is stronger than the fruit of the field': we can burn it down and
call up famine in arms against you; against which you, for all your
bravery, will never be able to contend. Why then, with all these
avenues of attack, this machinery of war, open to us, not one of which
can be turned against ourselves, why should we select from among them
all that method, which alone in the sight of God is impious and of man
abominable? Surely it belongs to people altogether without resources,
who are helplessly struggling in the toils of fate, and are villains
to boot, to seek accomplishment of their desires by perjury to heaven
and faithlessness to their fellows. We are not so unreasoning,
Clearchus, nor so foolish.

"Why, when we had it in our power to destroy you, did we not proceed
to do it? Know well that the cause of this was nothing less than my
passion to prove myself faithful to the Hellenes, and that, as Cyrus
went up, relying on a foreign force attracted by payment, I in turn
might go down strong in the same through service rendered. Various
ways in which you Hellenes may be useful to me you yourself have
mentioned, but there is one still greater. It is the great king's
privilege alone to wear the tiara upright upon his head, yet in your
presence it may be given to another mortal to wear it upright, here,
upon his heart."

Throughout this speech he seemed to Clearchus to be speaking the
truth, and he rejoined: "Then are not those worthy of the worst         24
penalties who, in spite of all that exists to cement our friendship,
endeavour by slander to make us enemies?" "Even so," replied
Tissaphernes, "and if your generals and captains care to come in some
open and public way, I will name to you those who tell me that you are
plotting against me and the army under me." "Good," replied Clearchus.
"I will bring all, and I will show you, on my side, the source from
which I derive my information concerning you."

After this conversation Tissaphernes, with kindliest expression,
invited Clearchus to remain with him at the time, and entertained him
at dinner. Next day Clearchus returned to the camp, and made no secret
of his persuasion that he at any rate stood high in the affections of
Tissaphernes, and he reported what he had said, insisting that those
invited ought to go to Tissaphernes, and that any Hellene convicted of
calumnious language ought to be punished, not only as traitors
themselves, but as disaffected to their fellow-countrymen. The
slanderer and traducer was Menon; so, at any rate, he suspected,
because he knew that he had had meetings with Tissaphernes whilst he
was with Ariaeus, and was factiously opposed to himself, plotting how
to win over the whole army to him, as a means of winning the good
graces of Tissaphernes. But Clearchus wanted the entire army to give
its mind to no one else, and that refractory people should be put out
of the way. Some of the soldiers protested: the captains and generals
had better not all go; it was better not to put too much confidence in
Tissaphernes. But Clearchus insisted so strongly that finally it was
arranged for five generals to go and twenty captains. These were
accompanied by about two hundred of the other soldiers, who took the
opportunity of marketing.

On arrival at the doors of Tissaphernes's quarters the generals were
summoned inside. They were Proxenus the Boeotian, Menon the
Thessalian, Agias the Arcadian, Clearchus the Laconian, and Socrates
the Achaean; while the captains remained at the doors. Not long after
that, at one and the same signal, those within were seized and those
without cut down; after which some of the barbarian horsemen galloped
over the plain, killing every Hellene they encountered, bond or free.   32
The Hellenes, as they looked from the camp, viewed that strange
horsemanship with surprise, and could not explain to themselves what
it all meant, until Nicarchus the Arcadian came tearing along for bare
life with a wound in the belly, and clutching his protruding entrails
in his hands. He told them all that had happened. Instantly the
Hellenes ran to their arms, one and all, in utter consternation, and
fully expecting that the enemy would instantly be down upon the camp.
However, they did not all come; only Ariaeus came, and Artaozus and
Mithridates, who were Cyrus's most faithful friends; but the
interpreter of the Hellenes said he saw and recognised the brother of
Tissaphernes also with them. They had at their back other Persians
also, armed with cuirasses, as many as three hundred. As soon as they
were within a short distance, they bade any general or captain of the
Hellenes who might be there to approach and hear a message from the
king. After this, two Hellene generals went out with all precaution.
These were Cleanor the Orchomenian (3), and Sophaenetus the
Stymphalion, attended by Xenophon the Athenian, who went to learn news
of Proxenus. Cheirisophus was at the time away in a village with a
party gathering provisions. As soon as they had halted within earshot,
Ariaeus said: "Hellenes, Clearchus being shown to have committed
perjury and to have broken the truce, has suffered the penalty, and he
is dead; but Proxenus and Menon, in return for having given
information of his treachery, are in high esteem and honour. As to
yourselves, the king demands your arms. He claims them as his, since
they belonged to Cyrus, who was his slave." To this the Hellenes made
answer by the mouth of Cleanor of Orchomenus, their spokesman, who
said, addressing Ariaeus: "Thou villain, Ariaeus, and you the rest of
you, who were Cyrus's friends, have you no shame before God or man,
first to swear to us that you have the same friends and the same
enemies as we ourselves, and then to turn and betray us, making common
cause with Tissaphernes, that most impious and villainous of men? With
him you have murdered the very men to whom you gave your solemn word
and oath, and to the rest of us turned traitors; and, having so done,   39
you join hand with our enemies to come against us." Ariaeus answered:
"There is no doubt but that Clearchus has been known for some time to
harbour designs against Tissaphernes and Orontas, and all of us who
side with them." Taking up this assertion, Xenophon said: "Well, then,
granting that Clearchus broke the truce contrary to our oaths, he has
his deserts, for perjurers deserve to perish; but where are Proxenus
and Menon, our generals and your good friends and benefactors, as you
admit? Send them back to us. Surely, just because they are friends of
both parites, they will try to give us the best advice for you and for
us."

At this, the Asiatics stood discussing with one another for a long
while, and then they went away without vouchsafing a word.

VI

The generals who were thus seized were taken up to the king and there   1
decapitated. The first of these, Clearchus, was a thorough soldier,
and a true lover of fighting. This is the testimony of all who knew
him intimately. As long as the war between the Lacedaemonians and
Athenians lasted, he could find occupation at home; but after the
peace, he persuaded his own city that the Thracians were injuring the
Hellenes, and having secured his object, set sail, empowered by the
ephorate to make war upon the Thracians north of the Chersonese and
Perinthus. But he had no sooner fairly started than, for some reason
or other, the ephors changed their minds, and endeavoured to bring him
back again from the isthmus. Thereupon he refused further obedience,
and went off with sails set for the Hellespont. In consequence he was
condemned to death by the Spartan authorities for disobedience to
orders; and now, finding himself an exile, he came to Cyrus. Working
on the feelings of that prince, in language described elsewhere, he
received from his entertainer a present of ten thousand darics. Having
got this money, he did not sink into a life of ease and indolence, but
collected an army with it, carried on war against the Thracians, and    5
conquered them in battle, and from that date onwards harried and
plundered them with war incessantly, until Cyrus wanted his army;
whereupon he at once went off, in hopes of finding another sphere of
warfare in his company.

These, I take it, were the characteristic acts of a man whose
affections are set on warfare. When it is open to him to enjoy peace
with honour, no shame, no injury attached, still he prefers war; when
he may live at home at ease, he insists on toil, if only it may end in
fighting; when it is given to him to keep his riches without risk, he
would rather lessen his fortune by the pastime of battle. To put it
briefly, war was his mistress; just as another man will spend his
fortune on a favourite, or to gratify some pleasure, so he chose to
squander his substance on soldiering.

But if the life of a soldier was a passion with him, he was none the
less a soldier born, as herein appears; danger was a delight to him;
he courted it, attacking the enemy by night or by day; and in
difficulties he did not lose his head, as all who ever served in a
campaign with him would with one consent allow. A good solder! the
question arises, Was he equally good as a commander? It must be
admitted that, as far as was compatible with his quality of temper, he
was; none more so. Capable to a singular degree of devising how his
army was to get supplies, and of actually getting them, he was also
capable of impressing upon those about him that Clearchus must be
obeyed; and that he brought about by the very hardness of his nature.
With a scowling expression and a harshly-grating voice, he chastised
with severity, and at times with such fury, that he was sorry
afterwards himself for what he had done. Yet it was not without
purpose that he applied the whip; he had a theory that there was no
good to be got out of an unchastened army. A saying of his is recorded
to the effect that the soldier who is to mount guard and keep his
hands off his friends, and be ready to dash without a moment's
hesitation against the foe--must fear his commander more than the
enemy. Accordingly, in any strait, this was the man whom the soldiers
were eager to obey, and they would have no other in his place. The      11
cloud which lay upon his brow, at those times lit up with brightness;
his face became radiant, and the old sternness was so charged with
vigour and knitted strength to meet the foe, that it savoured of
salvation, not of cruelty. But when the pinch of danger was past, and
it was open to them to go and taste subordination under some other
officer, many forsook him. So lacking in grace of manner was he; but
was ever harsh and savage, so that the feeling of the soldiers towards
him was that of schoolboys to a master. In other words, though it was
not his good fortune ever to have followers inspired solely by
friendship or goodwill, yet those who found themselves under him,
either by State appointment or through want, or other arch necessity,
yielded him implicit obedience. From the moment that he led them to
victory, the elements which went to make his soldiers efficient were
numerous enough. There was the feeling of confidence in facing the
foe, which never left them, and there was the dread of punishment at
his hands to keep them orderly. In this way and to this extent he knew
how to rule; but to play a subordinate part himself he had no great
taste; so, at any rate, it was said. At the time of his death he must
have been about fifty years of age.

Proxenus, the Boeotian, was of a different temperament. It had been
the dream of his boyhood to become a man capable of great
achievements. In obedience to this passionate desire it was, that he
paid his fee to Gorgias of Leontini (1). After enojoying that teacher's
society, he flattered himself that he must be at once qualified to
rule; and while he was on friendly terms with the leaders of the age,
he was not to be outdone in reciprocity of service (2). In this mood he  17
threw himself into the projects of Cyrus, and in return expected to
derive from this essay the reward of a great name, large power, and
wide wealth. But for all that he pitched his hopes so high, it was
none the less evident that he would refuse to gain any of the ends he
set before him wrongfully. Righteously and honourably he would obtain
them, if he might, or else forego them. As a commander he had the art
of leading gentlemen, but he failed to inspire adequately either
respect for himself or fear in the soldiers under him. Indeed, he
showed a more delicate regard for his soldiers than his subordinates
for him, and he was indisputably more apprehensive of incurring their
hatred than they were of losing their fidelity. The one thing needful
to real and recognised generalship was, he thought, to praise the
virtuous and to withhold praise from the evildoer. It can be easily
understood, then, that of those who were brought in contact with him,
the good and noble indeed were his well-wishers; but he laid himself
open to the machinations of the base, who looked upon him as a person
to be dealt with as they liked. At the time of his death he was only
thirty years of age.

 (1) The famous rhetorician of Leontini, 485-380 B.C. His fee was 100
    minae.

 (2) Proxenus, like Cyrus, is to some extent a prototype of the Cyrus
    of the "Cyropaedia." In other words, the author, in delineating
    the portrait of his ideal prince, drew from the recollection of
    many princely qualities observed by him in the characters of many
    friends. Apart from the intrinsic charm of the story, the
    "Anabasis" is interesting as containing the raw material of
    experience and reflection which "this young scholar or
    philosopher," our friend, the author, will one day turn to
    literary account.

As to Menon the Thessalian (3), the mainspring of his action was
obvious; what he sought after insatiably was wealth. Rule he sought
after only as a stepping-stone to larger spoils. Honours and high
estate he craved for simply that he might extend the area of his
gains; and if he studied to be on friendly terms with the powerful, it
was in order that he might commit wrong with impunity. The shortest
road to the achievement of his desires lay, he thought, through false
swearing, lying, and cheating; for in his vocabulary simplicity and
truth were synonyms of folly. Natural affection he clearly entertained
for nobody. If he called a man his friend it might be looked upon as    23
certain that he was bent on ensnaring him. Laughter at an enemy he
considered out of place, but his whole conversation turned upon the
ridicule of his associates. In like manner, the possessions of his
foes were secure from his designs, since it was no easy task, he
thought, to steal from people on their guard; but it was his
particular good fortune to have discovered how easy it is to rob a
friend in the midst of his security. If it were a perjured person or a
wrongdoer, he dreaded him as well armed and intrenched; but the
honourable and the truth-loving he tried to practise on, regarding
them as weaklings devoid of manhood. And as other men pride themselves
on piety and truth and righteousness, so Menon prided himself on a
capacity for fraud, on the fabrication of lies, on the mockery and
scorn of friends. The man who was not a rogue he ever looked upon as
only half educated. Did he aspire to the first place in another man's
friendship, he set about his object by slandering those who stood
nearest to him in affection. He contrived to secure the obedience of
his solders by making himself an accomplice in their misdeeds, and the
fluency with which he vaunted his own capacity and readiness for
enormous guilt was a sufficient title to be honoured and courted by
them. Or if any one stood aloof from him, he set it down as a
meritorious act of kindness on his part that during their intercourse
he had not robbed him of existence.

 (3) For a less repulsive conception of Menon's character, however
    unhistorical, see Plato's "Meno," and Prof. Jowlett's
    Introduction, "Plato," vol. i. p. 265: "He is a Thessalian
    Alcibiades, rich and luxurious--a spoilt child of fortune."

As to certain obscure charges brought against his character, these may
certainly be fabrications. I confine myself to the following facts,
which are known to all. He was in the bloom of youth when he procured
from Aristippus the command of his mercenaries; he had not yet lost
that bloom when he became exceedingly intimate with Ariaeus, a
barbarian, whose liking for fair young men was the explanation; and
before he had grown a beard himself, he had contracted a similar
relationship with a bearded favourite named Tharypas. When his
fellow-generals were put to death on the plea that they had marched
with Cyrus against the king, he alone, although he had shared their
conduct, was exempted from their fate. But after their deaths the
vengeance of the king fell upon him, and he was put to death, not like  29
Clearchus and the others by what would appear to be the speediest of
deaths--decapitation--but, as report says, he lived for a year in pain
and disgrace and died the death of a felon.

Agias the Arcadian and Socrates the Achaean were both among the
sufferers who were put to death. To the credit, be it said, of both,
no one ever derided either as cowardly in war: no one ever had a fault
to find with either on the score of friendship. They were both about
thirty-five years of age.

BOOK III

 (In the preceding pages of the narrative will be found a full
account, not only of the doings of the Hellenes during the
advance of Cyrus till the date of the battle, but of the
incidents which befell them after Cyrus' death at the
commencement of the retreat, while in company with
Tissaphernes during the truce.)

I

After the generals had been seized, and the captains and soldiers who   1
formed their escort had been killed, the Hellenes lay in deep
perplexity--a prey to painful reflections. Here were they at the
king's gates, and on every side environing them were many hostile
cities and tribes of men. Who was there now to furnish them with a
market? Separated from Hellas by more than a thousand miles, they had
not even a guide to point the way. Impassable rivers lay athwart their
homeward route, and hemmed them in. Betrayed even by the Asiatics, at
whose side they had marched with Cyrus to the attack, they were left
in isolation. Without a single mounted trooper to aid them in pursuit:
was it not perfectly plain that if they won a battle, their enemies
would escape to a man, but if they were beaten themselves, not one
soul of them would survive?

Haunted by such thoughts, and with hearts full of despair, but few of
them tasted food that evening; but few of them kindled even a fire,
and many never came into camp at all that night, but took their rest
where each chanced to be. They could not close their eyes for very
pain and yearning after their fatherlands or their parents, the wife
or child whom they never expected to look upon again. Such was the
plight in which each and all tried to seek repose.

Now there was in that host a certain man, an Athenian (1), Xenophon,
who had accompanied Cyrus, neither as a general, nor as an officer,
nor yet as a private soldier, but simply on the invitation of an old
friend, Proxenus. This old friend had sent to fetch him from home,
promising, if he would come, to introduce him to Cyrus, "whom," said
Proxenus, "I consider to be worth my fatherland and more to me."

 (1) The reader should turn to Grote's comments on the first appearance
    of Xenophon. He has been mentioned before, of course, more than
    once before; but he now steps, as the protagonist, upon the scene,
    and as Grote says: "It is in true Homeric vein, and in something
    like Homeric language, that Xenophon (to whom we owe the whole
    narrative of the expedition) describes his dream, or the
    intervention of Oneiros, sent by Zeus, from which this renovating
    impulse took its rise."

Xenophon having read the letter, consulted Socrates the Athenian,
whether he should accept or refuse the invitation. Socrates, who had a
suspicion that the State of Athens might in some way look askance at
my friendship with Cyrus, whose zealous co-operation with the
Lacedaemonians against Athens in the war was not forgotten, advised
Xenophon to go to Delphi and there to consult the god as to the
desirability of such a journey. Xenophon went and put the question to
Apollo, to which of the gods he must pray and do sacrifice, so that he
might best accomplish his intended journey and return in safety, with
good fortune. Then Apollo answered him: "To such and such gods must
thou do sacrifice," and when he had returned home he reported to
Socrates the oracle. But he, when he heard, blamed Xenophon that he
had not, in the first instance, inquired of the god, whether it were
better for him to go or to stay, but had taken on himself to settle
that point affirmatively, by inquiring straightway, how he might best   7
perform the journey. "Since, however," continued Socrates, "you did so
put the question, you should do what the god enjoined." Thus, and
without further ado, Xenophon offered sacrifice to those whom the god
had named, and set sail on his voyage. He overtook Proxenus and Cyrus
at Sardis, when they were just ready to start on the march up country,
and was at once introduced to Cyrus. Proxenus eagerly pressed him to
stop--a request which Cyrus with like ardour supported, adding that as
soon as the campaign was over he would send him home. The campaign
referred to was understood to be against the Pisidians. That is how
Xenophon came to join the expedition, deceived indeed, though not by
Proxenus, who was equally in the dark with the rest of the Hellenes,
not counting Clearchus, as to the intended attack upon the king. Then,
though the majority were in apprehension of the journey, which was not
at all to their minds, yet, for very shame of one another and Cyrus,
they continued to follow him, and with the rest went Xenophon.

And now in this season of perplexity, he too, with the rest, was in
sore distress, and could not sleep; but anon, getting a snatch of
sleep, he had a dream. It seemed to him in a vision that there was a
storm of thunder and lightning, and a bolt fell on his father's house,
and thereupon the house was all in a blaze. He sprung up in terror,
and pondering the matter, decided that in part the dream was good: in
that he had seen a great light from Zeus, whilst in the midst of toil
and danger. But partly too he feared it, for evidently it had come
from Zeus the king. And the fire kindled all around--what could that
mean but that he was hemmed in by various perplexities, and so could
not escape from the country of the king? The full meaning, however, is
to be discovered from what happened after the dream.

This is what took place. As soon as he was fully awake, the first
clear thought which came into his head was, Why am I lying here? The
night advances; with the day, it is like enough, the enemy will be
upon us. If we are to fall into the hands of the king, what is left us
but to face the most horrible of sights, and to suffer the most         13
fearful pains, and then to die, insulted, an ignominious death? To
defend ourselves--to ward off that fate--not a hand stirs: no one is
preparing, none cares; but here we lie, as though it were time to rest
and take our ease. I too! what am I waiting for? a general to
undertake the work? and from what city? am I waiting till I am older
mysef and of riper age? older I shall never be, if to-day I betray
myself to my enemies.

Thereupon he got up, and called together first Proxenus's officers;
and when they were met, he said: "Sleep, sirs, I cannot, nor can you,
I fancy, nor lie here longer, when I see in what straits we are. Our
enemy, we may be sure, did not open war upon us till he felt he had
everything amply ready; yet none of us shows a corresponding anxiety
to enter the lists of battle in the bravest style.

"And yet, if we yield ourselves and fall into the king's power, need
we ask what our fate will be? This man, who, when his own brother, the
son of the same parents, was dead, was not content with that, but
severed head and hand from the body, and nailed them to a cross. We,
then, who have not even the tie of blood in our favour, but who
marched against him, meaning to make a slave of him instead of a
king--and to slay him if we could: what is likely to be our fate at
his hands? Will he not go all lengths so that, by inflicting on us the
extreme of ignominy and torture, he may rouse in the rest of mankind a
terror of ever marching against him any more? There is no question but
that our business is to avoid by all means getting into his clutches.

"For my part, all the while the truce lasted, I never ceased pitying
ourselves and congratulating the king and those with him, as, like a
helpless spectator, I surveyed the extent and quality of their
territory, the plenteousness of their provisions, the multitude of
their dependants, their cattle, their gold, and their apparel. And
then to turn and ponder the condition of our soldiers, without part or
lot in these good things, except we bought it; few, I knew, had any
longer the wherewithal to buy, and yet our oath held us down, so that
we could not provide ourselves otherwise than by purchase. I say, as I  21
reasoned thus, there were times when I dreaded the truce more than I
now dread war.

"Now, however, that they have abruptly ended the truce, there is an
end also to their own insolence and to our suspicion. All these good
things of theirs are now set as prizes for the combatants. To
whichsoever of us shall prove the better men, will they fall as
guerdons; and the gods themselves are the judges of the strife. The
gods, who full surely will be on our side, seeing it is our enemies
who have taken their names falsely; whilst we, with much to lure us,
yet for our oath's sake, and the gods who were our witnesses, sternly
held aloof. So that, it seems to me, we have a right to enter upon
this contest with much more heart than our foes; and further, we are
possessed of bodies more capable than theirs of bearing cold and heat
and labour; souls too we have, by the help of heaven, better and
braver; nay, the men themselves are more vulnerable, more mortal, than
ourselves, if so be the gods vouchsafe to give us victory once again.

"Howbeit, for I doubt not elsewhere similar reflections are being
made, whatsoever betide, let us not, in heaven's name, wait for others
to come and challenge us to noble deeds; let us rather take the lead
in stimulating the rest to valour. Show yourselves to be the bravest
of officers, and among generals, the worthiest to command. For myself,
if you choose to start forwards on this quest, I will follow; or, if
you bid me lead you, my age shall be no excuse to stand between me and
your orders. At least I am of full age, I take it, to avert misfortune
from my own head."

Such were the speaker's words; and the officers, when they heard, all,
with one exception, called upon him to put himself at their head. This
was a certain Apollonides there present, who spoke in the Boeotian
dialect. This man's opinion was that it was mere nonsense for any one
to pretend they could obtain safety otherwise than by an appeal to the
king, if he had skill to enforce it; and at the same time he began to
dilate on the difficulties. But Xenophon cut him short. "O most
marvellous of men! though you have eyes to see, you do not perceive;
though you have ears to hear, you do not recollect. You were present    27
with the rest of us now here when, after the death of Cyrus, the king,
vaunting himself on that occurrence, sent dictatorially to bid us lay
down our arms. But when we, instead of giving up our arms, put them on
and went and pitched our camp near him, his manner changed. It is hard
to say what he did not do, he was so at his wit's end, sending us
embassies and begging for a truce, and furnishing provisions the
while, until he had got it. Or to take the contrary instance, when
just now, acting precisely on your principles, our generals and
captains went, trusting to the truce, unarmed to a conference with
them, what came of it? what is happening at this instant? Beaten,
goaded with pricks, insulted, poor souls, they cannot even die: though
death, I ween, would be very sweet. And you, who know all this, how
can you say that it is mere nonsense to talk of self-defence? how can
you bid us go again and try the arts of persuasion? In my opinion,
sirs, we ought not to admit this fellow to the same rank with
ourselves; rather ought we to deprive him of his captaincy, and load
him with packs and treat him as such. The man is a disgrace to his own
fatherland and the whole of Hellas, that, being a Hellene, he is what
he is."

Here Agasias the Stymphalian broke in, exclaiming: "Nay, this fellow
has no connection either with Boeotia or with Hellas, none whatever. I
have noted both his ears bored like a Lydian's." And so it was. Him
then they banished. But the rest visited the ranks, and wherever a
general was left, they summoned the general; where he was gone, the
lieutenant-general; and where again the captain alone was left, the
captain. As soon as they were all met, they seated themselves in front
of the place d'armes: the assembled generals and officers, numbering
about a hundred. It was nearly midnight when this took place.

Thereupon Hieronymous the Eleian, the eldest of Proxenus's captains,
commenced speaking as follows: "Generals and captains, it seemed right
to us, in view of the present crisis, ourselves to assemble and to
summon you, that we might advise upon some practicable course. Would
you, Xenophon, repeat what you said to us?"

Thereupon Xenophon spoke as follows: "We all know only too well, that   34
the king and Tissaphernes have seized as many of us as they could, and
it is clear they are plotting to destroy the rest of us if they can.
Our business is plain: it is to do all we can to avoid getting into
the power of the barbarians; rather, if we can, we will get them into
our power. Rely upon this then, all you who are here assembled, now is
your great opportunity. The soldiers outside have their eyes fixed
upon you; if they think that you are faint-hearted, they will turn
cowards; but if you show them that you are making your own
preparations to attack the enemy, and setting an example to the
rest--follow you, be assured, they will: imitate you they will. May
be, it is but right and fair that you should somewhat excel them, for
you are generals, you are commanders of brigades or regiments; and if,
while it was peace, you had the advantage in wealth and position, so
now, when it is war, you are expected to rise superior to the common
herd--to think for them, to toil for them, whenever there be need.

"At this very moment you would confer a great boon on the army, if you
made it your business to appoint generals and officers to fill the
places of those that are lost. For without leaders nothing good or
noble, to put it concisely, was ever wrought anywhere; and in military
matters this is absolutely true; for if discipline is held to be of
saving virtue, the want of it has been the ruin of many ere now. Well,
then! when you have appointed all the commanders necessary, it would
only be opportune, I take it, if you were to summon the rest of the
soldiers and speak some words of encouragement. Even now, I daresay
you noticed yourselves the crestfallen air with which they came into
camp, the despondency with which they fell to picket duty, so that,
unless there is a change for the better, I do not know for what
service they will be fit; whether by night, if need were, or even by
day. The thing is to get them to turn their thoughts to what they mean
to do, instead of to what they are likely to suffer. Do that, and
their spirits will soon revive wonderfully. You know, I need hardly
remind you, it is not numbers or strength that gives victory in war;
but, heaven helping them, to one or other of two combatants it is       42
given to dash with stouter hearts to meet the foe, and such onset, in
nine cases out of ten, those others refuse to meet. This observation,
also, I have laid to heart, that they, who in matters of war seek in
all ways to save their lives, are just they who, as a rule, die
dishonourably; whereas they who, recognising that death is the common
lot and destiny of all men, strive hard to die nobly: these more
frequently, as I observe, do after all attain to old age, or, at any
rate, while life lasts, they spend their days more happily. This
lesson let all lay to heart this day, for we are just at such a crisis
of our fate. Now is the season to be brave ourselves, and to stimulate
the rest by our example."

With these words he ceased; and after him, Cheirisophus said:
"Xenophon, hitherto I knew only so much of you as that you were, I
heard, an Athenian, but now I must commend you for your words and for
your conduct. I hope that there may be many more like you, for it
would prove a public blessing." Then turning to the officers: "And
now," said he, "let us waste no time; retire at once, I beg you, and
choose leaders where you need them. After you have made your
elections, come back to the middle of the camp, and bring the newly
appointed officers. After that, we will there summon a general meeting
of the soldiers. Let Tolmides, the herald," he added, "be in
attendance." With these words on his lips he got up, in order that
what was needful might be done at once without delay. After this the
generals were chosen. These were Timasion the Dardanian, in place of
Clearchus; Xanthicles, an Achaean, in place of Socrates; Cleanor, an
Arcadian, in place of Agias; Philesius, an Achaean, in place of Menon;
and in place of Proxenus, Xenophon the Athenian.

II

By the time the new generals had been chosen, the first faint glimmer   1
of dawn had hardly commenced, as they met in the centre of the camp,
and resolved to post an advance guard and to call a general meeting of
the soldiers. Now, when these had come together, Cheirisophus the
Lacedaemonian first rose and spoke as follows: "Fellow-soldiers, the
present posture of affairs is not pleasant, seeing that we are robbed
of so many generals and captains and soldiers; and more than that, our  2
former allies, Ariaeus and his men, have betrayed us; still, we must
rise above our circumstances to prove ourselves brave men, and not
give in, but try to save ourselves by glorious victory if we can; or,
if not, at least to die gloriously, and never, while we have breath in
our bodies, fall into the hands of our enemies. In which latter case,
I fear, we shall suffer things, which I pray the gods may visit rather
upon those we hate."

At this point Cleanor the Ochomenian stood up and spoke as follows:
"You see, men, the perjury and the impiety of the king. You see the
faithlessness of Tissaphernes, professing that he was next-door
neighbour to Hellas, and would give a good deal to save us, in
confirmation of which he took an oath to us himself, he gave us the
pledge of his right hand, and then, with a lie upon his lips, this
same man turned round and arrested our generals. He had no reverence
even for Zeus, the god of strangers; but, after entertaining Clearchus
at his own board as a friend, he used his hospitality to delude and
decoy his victims. And Ariaeus, whom we offered to make king, with
whom we exchanged pledges not to betray each other, even this man,
without a particle of fear of the gods, or respect for Cyrus in his
grave, though he was most honoured by Cyrus in lifetime, even he has
turned aside to the worst foes of Cyrus, and is doing his best to
injure the dead man's friends. Them may the gods requite as they
deserve! But we, with these things before our eyes, will not any more
be cheated and cajoled by them; we will make the best fight we can,
and having made it, whatever the gods think fit to send, we will
accept."

After him Xenophon arose; he was arrayed for war in his bravest
apparel (1): "For," said he to himself, "if the gods grant victory, the
finest attire will match with victory best; or if I must needs die,
then for one who has aspired to the noblest, it is well there should
be some outward correspondence between his expectation and his end."
He began his speech as follows: "Cleanor has spoken of the perjury and  8
faithlessness of the barbarians, and you yourselves know them only too
well, I fancy. If then we are minded to enter a second time into terms
of friendship with them, with the experience of what our generals, who
in all confidence entrusted themselves to their power, have suffered,
reason would we should feel deep despondency. If, on the other hand,
we purpose to take our good swords in our hands and to inflict
punishment on them for what they have done, and from this time forward
will be on terms of downright war with them, then, God helping, we
have many a bright hope of safety." The words were scarcely spoken
when someone sneezed (2), and with one impulse the soldiers bowed in
worship; and Xenophon proceeded: "I propose, sirs, since, even as we
spoke of safety, an omen from Zeus the Saviour has appeared, we vow a
vow to sacrifice to the Saviour thank-offerings for safe deliverance,
wheresoever first we reach a friendly country; and let us couple with
that vow another of individual assent, that we will offer to the rest
of the gods 'according to our ability.' Let all those who are in
favour of this proposal hold up their hands." They all held up their
hands, and there and then they vowed a vow and chanted the battle
hymn. But as soon as these sacred matters were duly ended, he began
once more thus: "I was saying that many and bright are the hopes we
have of safety. First of all, we it is who confirm and ratify the
oaths we take by heaven, but our enemies have taken false oaths and
broken the truce, contrary to their solemn word. This being so, it is
but natural that the gods should be opposed to our enemies, but with
ourselves allied; the gods, who are able to make the great ones
quickly small, and out of sore perplexity can save the little ones
with ease, what time it pleases them. In the next place, let me recall
to your minds the dangers of our own forefathers, that you may see and  11
know that bravery is your heirloom, and that by the aid of the gods
brave men are rescued even out of the midst of sorest straits." So was
it when the Persians came, and their attendant hosts (3), with a very
great armament, to wipe out Athens from the face of the earth--the men
of Athens had the heart to withstand them and conquered them. Then
they vowed to Artemis that for every man they slew of the enemy, they
would sacrifice to the goddess goats so many; and when they could not
find sufficient for the slain, they resolved to offer yearly five
hundred; and to this day they perform that sacrifice. And at a
somewhat later date, when Xerxes assembled his countless hosts and
marched upon Hellas, then (4) too our fathers conquered the forefathers
of our foes by land and by sea.

 (1) So it is said of the Russian General Skobelef, that he had a
    strange custom of going into battle in his cleanest uniform,
    perfumed, and wearing a diamond-hilted sword, "in order that," as
    he said, "he might die in his best attire."

 (2) For this ancient omen see "Odyssey," xvii. 541: "Even as she
    spake, and Telemachus sneezed loudly, and around the roof rung
    wondrously. And Penelope laughed."... "Dost thou not mark how
    my son has sneezed a blessing on all my words?"

 (3) See Herod. vi. 114; the allusion is to the invasion of Greeze by
    Datis and Artaphernes, and to their defeat at Marathon, B.C. 490.
    "Heredotus estimates the number of those who fell on the Persian
    side at 6400 men: the number of Athenian dead is accurately known,
    since all were collected for the last solemn obsequies--they were
    192."--Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. v. p. 475.

 (4) Then = at Salamis, B.C. 480, and at Plataea and Mycale, B.C. 479,
    on the same day.

"And proofs of these things are yet to be seen in trophies; but the
greatest witness of all is the freedom of our cities--the liberty of
that land in which you were born and bred. For you call no man master
or lord; you bow your heads to none save to the gods alone. Such were
your forefathers, and their sons are ye. Think not I am going to say
that you put to shame in any way your ancestry--far from it. Not many
days since, you too were drawn up in battle face to face with these
true descendants of their ancestors, and by the help of heaven you
conquered them, though they many times outnumbered you. At that time,
it was to win a throne for Cyrus that you showed your bravery; to-day,
when the struggle is for your own salvation, what is more natural than
that you should show yourselves braver and more zealous still. Nay, it
is very meet and right that you should be more undaunted still to-day
to face the foe. The other day, though you had not tested them, and
before your eyes lay their immeasurable host, you had the heart to go
against them with the spirit of your fathers. To-day you have made      16
trial of them, and knowing that, however many times your number, they
do not care to await your onset, what concern have you now to be
afraid of them?

"Nor let any one suppose that herein is a point of weakness, in that
Cyrus's troops, who before were drawn up by your side, have now
deserted us, for they are even worse cowards still than those we
worsted. At any rate they have deserted us, and sought refuge with
them. Leaders of the forlorn hope of flight--far better is it to have
them brigaded with the enemy than shoulder to shoulder in our ranks.
But if any of you is out of heart to think that we have no cavalry,
while the enemy have many squadrons to command, lay to heart this
doctrine, that ten thousand horse only equal ten thousand men upon
their backs, neither less nor more. Did any one ever die in battle
from the bite or kick of a horse? It is the men, the real swordsmen,
who do whatever is done in battles. In fact we, on our stout shanks,
are better mounted than those cavalry fellows; there they hang on to
their horses' necks in mortal dread, not only of us, but of falling
off; while we, well planted upon earth, can deal far heavier blows to
our assailants, and aim more steadily at who we will. There is one
point, I admit, in which their cavalry have the whip-hand of us; it is
safer for them than it is for us to run away.

"May be, however, you are in good heart about the fighting, but
annoyed to think that Tissaphernes will not guide us any more, and
that the king will not furnish us with a market any longer. Now,
consider, is it better for us to have a guide like Tissaphernes, whom
we know to be plotting against us, or to take our chance of the stray
people whom we catch and compel to guide us, who will know that any
mistake made in leading us will be a sad mistake for their own lives?
Again, is it better to be buying provisions in a market of their
providing, in scant measure and at high prices, without even the money
to pay for them any longer; or, by right of conquest, to help
ourselves, applying such measure as suits our fancy best?

"Or again, perhaps you admit that our present position is not without
its advantages, but you feel sure that the rivers are a difficulty,
and think that you were never more taken in than when you crossed       22
them; if so, consider whether, after all, this is not perhaps the most
foolish thing which the barbarians have done. No river is impassable
throughout; whatever difficulties it may present at some distance from
its source, you need only make your way up to the springhead, and
there you may cross it without wetting more than your ankles. But,
granted that the rivers do bar our passage, and that guides are not
forthcoming, what care we? We need feel no alarm for all that. We have
heard of the Mysians, a people whom we certainly cannot admit to be
better than ourselves; and yet they inhabit numbers of large and
prosperous cities in the king's own country without asking leave. The
Pisidians are an equally good instance, or the Lycaonians. We have
seen with our own eyes how they fare: seizing fortresses down in the
plains, and reaping the fruits of these men's territory. As to us, I
go so far as to assert, we ought never to have let it be seen that we
were bent on getting home: at any rate, not so soon; we should have
begun stocking and furnishing ourselves, as if we fully meant to
settle down for life somewhere or other hereabouts. I am sure that the
king would be thrice glad to give the Mysians as many guides as they
like, or as many hostages as they care to demand, in return for a safe
conduct out of his country; he would make carriage roads for them, and
if they preferred to take their departure in coaches and four, he
would not say them nay. So too, I am sure, he would be only too glad
to accommodate us in the same way, if he saw us preparing to settle
down here. But, perhaps, it is just as well that we did not stop; for
I fear, if once we learn to live in idleness and to batten in luxury
and dalliance with these tall and handsome Median and Persian women
and maidens, we shall be like the Lotus-eaters (5), and forget the road
home altogether.

 (5) See "Odyssey," ix. 94, "ever feeding on the Lotus and forgetful of
    returning."

"It seems to me that it is only right, in the first instance, to make
an effort to return to Hellas and to revisit our hearths and homes, if
only to prove to other Hellenes that it is their own faults if they
are poor and needy (6), seeing it is in their power to give to those     26
now living a pauper life at home a free passage hither, and convert
them into well-to-do burghers at once. Now, sirs, is it not clear that
all these good things belong to whoever has strength to hold them?

 (6) Here seems to be the germ--unless, indeed, the thought had been
    conceived above--here at any rate the first conscious expression
    of the colonisation scheme, of which we shall hear more below, in
    reference to Cotyora; the Phasis; Calpe. It appears again fifty
    years later in the author's pamphlet "On Revenues," chapters i.
    and vi. For the special evils of the fourth century B.C., and the
    growth of pauperism between B.C. 401 and 338, see Jebb, "Attic
    Orators," vol i. p. 17.

"Let us look another matter in the face. How are we to march most
safely? or where blows are needed, how are we to fight to the best
advantage? That is the question.

"The first thing which I recommend is to burn the wagons we have got,
so that we may be free to march wherever the army needs, and not,
practically, make our baggage train our general. And, next, we should
throw our tents into the bonfire also: for these again are only a
trouble to carry, and do not contribute one grain of good either for
fighting or getting provisions. Further, let us get rid of all
superfluous baggage, save only what we require for the sake of war, or
meat and drink, so that as many of us as possible may be under arms,
and as few as possible doing porterage. I need not remind you that, in
case of defeat, the owners' goods are not their own; but if we master
our foes, we will make them our baggage bearers.

"It only rests for me to name the one thing which I look upon as the
greatest of all. You see, the enemy did not dare to bring war to bear
upon us until they had first seized our generals; they felt that
whilst our rulers were there, and we obeyed them, they were no match
for us in war; but having got hold of them, they fully expected that
the consequent confusion and anarchy would prove fatal to us. What
follows? This: Officers and leaders ought to be more vigilant ever
than their predecessors; subordinates still more orderly and obedient
to those in command now than even they were to those who are gone. And
you should pass a resolution that, in case of insubordination, any one  31
who stands by is to aid the officer in chastising the offender. So the
enemy will be mightily deceived; for on this day they will behold ten
thousand Clearchuses instead of one, who will not suffer one man to
play the coward. And now it is high time I brought my remarks to an
end, for may be the enemy will be here anon. Let those who are in
favour of these proposals confirm them with all speed, that they may
be realised in fact; or if any other course seem better, let not any
one, even though he be a private soldier, shrink from proposing it.
Our common safety is our common need."

After this Cheirisophus spoke. He said: "If there is anything else to
be done, beyond what Xenophon has mentioned, we shall be able to carry
it out presently; but with regard to what he has already proposed, it
seems to me the best course to vote upon the matters at once. Those
who are in favour of Xenophon's proposals, hold up their hands." They
all held them up. Xenophon rose again and said: "Listen, sirs, while I
tell you what I think we have need of besides. It is clear that we
must march where we can get provisions. Now, I am told there are some
splendid villages not more than two miles and a half distant. I should
not be surprised, then, if the enemy were to hang on our heels and dog
us as we retire, like cowardly curs which rush out at the passer-by
and bite him if they can, but when you turn upon them they run away.
Such will be their tactics, I take it. It may be safer, then, to march
in a hollow square, so as to place the baggage animals and our mob of
sutlers in greater security. It will save time to make the
appointments at once, and to settle who leads the square and directs
the vanguard; who will take command of the two flanks, and who of the
rearguard; so that, when the enemy appears, we shall not need to
deliberate, but can at once set in motion the machinery in existence.

"If any one has any better plan, we need not adopt mine; but if not,
suppose Cheirisophus takes the lead, as he is a Lacedaemonian, and the
two eldest generals take in charge the two wings respectively, whilst
Timasion and I, the two youngest, will for the present guard the rear.  37
For the rest, we can but make experiment of this arrangement, and
alter it with deliberation, as from time to time any improvement
suggests itself. If any one has a better plan to propose, let him do
so."... No dissentient voice was heard. Accordingly he said: "Those
in favour of this resolution, hold up their hands." The resolution was
carried. "And now," said he, "it would be well to separate and carry
out what we have decreed. If any of you has set his heart on seeing
his friends again, let him remember to prove himself a man; there is
no other way to achieve his heart's wish. Or is mere living an object
with any of you, strive to conquer; if to slay is the privilege of
victory, to die is the doom of the defeated. Or perhaps to gain money
and wealth is your ambition, strive again for mastery; have not
conquerors the double gain of keeping what is their own, whilst they
seize the possessions of the vanquished?"

III

The speaking was ended; they got up and retired; then they burnt the    1
wagons and the tents, and after sharing with one another what each
needed out of their various superfluities, they threw the remnant into
the fire. Having done that, they proceeded to make their breakfasts.
While they were breakfasting, Mithridates came with about thirty
horsemen, and summoning the generals within earshot, he thus addressed
them: "Men of Hellas, I have been faithful to Cyrus, as you know well,
and to-day I am your well-wisher; indeed, I am here spending my days
in great fear: if then I could see any salutory course in prospect, I
should be disposed to join you with all my retainers. Please inform
me, then, as to what you propose, regarding me as your friend and
well-wisher, anxious only to pursue his march in your company." The
generals held council, and resolved to give the following answer,
Cheirisophus acting as spokesman: "We have resolved to make our way
through the country, inflicting the least possible damage, provided we
are allowed a free passage homewards; but if any one tries to hinder    3
us, he will have to fight it out with us, and we shall bring all the
force in our power to bear." Thereat Mithridates set himself to prove
to them that their deliverance, except with the king's good pleasure,
was hopeless. Then the meaning of his mission was plain. He was an
agent in disguise; in fact, a relation of Tissaphernes was in
attendance to keep a check on his loyalty. After that, the generals
resolved that it would be better to proclaim open war, without truce
or herald, as long as they were in the enemy's country; for they used
to come and corrupt the soldiers, and they were even successful with
one officer--Nicarchus (1), an Arcadian, who went off in the night with
about twenty men.

 (1) Can this be the same man whose escape is so graphically described
    above?

After this, they breakfasted and crossed the river Zapatas, marching
in regular order, with the beasts and mob of the army in the middle.
They had not advanced far on their route when Mithridates made his
appearance again, with about a couple of hundred horsemen at his back,
and bowmen and slingers twice as many, as nimble fellows as a man
might hope to see. He approached the Hellenes as if he were friendly;
but when they had got fairly to close quarters, all of a sudden some
of them, whether mounted or on foot, began shooting with their bows
and arrows, and another set with slings, wounding the men. The
rearguard of the Hellenes suffered for a while severely without being
able to retaliate, for the Cretans had a shorter range than the
Persians, and at the same time, being light-armed troops, they lay
cooped up within the ranks of the heavy infantry, while the javelin
men again did not shoot far enough to reach the enemy's slingers. This
being so, Xenophon thought there was nothing for it but to charge, and
charge they did; some of the heavy and light infantry, who were
guarding the rear, with him; but for all their charging they did not
catch a single man.

The dearth of cavalry told against the Hellenes; nor were their
infantry able to overhaul the enemy's infantry, with the long start
they had, and considering the shortness of the race, for it was out of
the question to pursue them far from the main body of the army. On the  10
other hand, the Asiatic cavalry, even while fleeing, poured volleys of
arrows behind their backs, and wounded the pursuers; while the
Hellenes must fall back fighting every step of the way they had
measured in the pursuit; so that by the end of that day they had not
gone much more than three miles; but in the late afternoon they
reached the villages.

Here there was a return of the old despondency. Cheirisophus and the
eldest of the generals blamed Xenophon for leaving the main body to
give chase and endangering himself thereby, while he could not damage
the enemy one whit the more. Xenophon admitted that they were right in
blaming him: no better proof of that was wanted than the result. "The
fact is," he added, "I was driven to pursue; it was too trying to look
on and see our men suffer so badly, and be unable to retaliate.
However, when we did charge, there is no denying the truth of what you
say; we were not a whit more able to injure the enemy, while we had
considerable difficulty in beating a retreat ourselves. Thank heaven
they did not come upon us in any great force, but were only a handful
of men; so that the injury they did us was not large, as it might have
been; and at least it has served to show us what we need. At present
the enemy shoot and sling beyond our range, so that our Cretan archers
are no match for them; our hand-throwers cannot reach as far; and when
we pursue, it is not possible to push the pursuit to any great
distance from the main body, and within the short distance no
foot-soldier, however fleet of foot, could overtake another
foot-soldier who has a bow-shot the start of him. If, then, we are to
exclude them from all possibility of injuring us as we march, we must
get slingers as soon as possible and cavalry. I am told there are in
the army some Rhodians, most of whom, they say, know how to sling, and
their missile will reach even twice as far as the Persian slings
(which, on account of their being loaded with stones as big as one's
fist, have a comparatively short range; but the Rhodians are skilled
in the use of leaden bullets (2)). Suppose, then, we investigate and     18
find out first of all who among them possess slings, and for these
slings offer the owner the money value; and to another, who will plait
some more, hand over the money price; and for a third, who will
volunteer to be enrolled as a slinger, invent some other sort of
privilege, I think we shall soon find people to come forward capable
of helping us. There are horses in the army I know; some few with
myself, others belonging to Clearchus's stud, and a good many others
captured from the enemy, used for carrying baggage. Let us take the
pick of these, supplying their places by ordinary baggage animals, and
equipping the horses for cavalry. I should not wonder if our troopers
gave some annoyance to these fugitives."

 (2) These words sound to me like an author's note, parenthetically,
    and perhaps inadvertently, inserted into the text. It is an
    "aside" to the reader, which in a modern book would appear as a
    footnote.

These proposals were carried, and that night two hundred slingers were
enrolled, and next day as many as fifty horse and horsemen passed
muster as duly qualified; buff jackets and cuirasses were provided for
them, and a commandant of cavalry appointed to command--Lycius, the
son of Polystratus, by name, an Athenian.

IV

That day they remained inactive, but the next they rose earlier than    1
usual, and set out betimes, for they had a ravine to cross, where they
feared the enemy might attack them in the act of crossing. When they
were across, Mithridates appeared again with one thousand horse, and
archers and slingers to the number of four thousand. This whole body
he had got by request from Tissaphernes, and in return he undertook to
deliver up the Hellenes to Tissaphernes. He had grown contemptuous
since his late attack, when, with so small a detachment, he had done,
as he thought, a good deal of mischief, without the slightest loss to
himself.

When the Hellenes were not only right across, but had got about a mile
from the ravine, Mithridates also crossed with his forces. An order
had been passed down the lines, what light infantry and what heavy
infantry were to take part in the pursuit; and the cavalry were
instructed to follow up the pursuit with confidence, as a considerable  3
support was in their rear. So, when Mithridates had come up with them,
and they were well within arrow and sling shot, the bugle sounded the
signal to the Hellenes; and immediately the detachment under orders
rushed to close quarters, and the cavalry charged. There the enemy
preferred not to wait, but fled towards the ravine. In this pursuit
the Asiatics lost several of their infantry killed, and of their
cavalry as many as eighteen were taken prisoners in the ravine. As to
those who were slain the Hellenes, acting upon impulse, mutilated
their bodies, by way of impressing their enemy with as frightful an
image as possible.

So fared the foe and so fell back; but the Hellenes, continuing their
march in safety for the rest of that day, reached the river Tigris.
Here they came upon a large deserted city, the name of which was
Larissa (1): a place inhabited by the Medes in days of old; the breadth
of its walls was twenty-five feet, and the height of them a hundred,
and the circuit of the whole two parasangs. It was built of
clay-bricks, supported on a stone basis twenty feet high. This city
the king of the Persians (2) besieged, what time the Persians strove to
snatch their empire from the Medes, but he could in no wise take it;
then a cloud hid the face of the sun and blotted out the light
thereof, until the inhabitants were gone out of the city, and so it
was taken. By the side of this city there was a stone pyramid in
breadth a hundred feet, and in height two hundred feet; in it were
many of the barbarians who had fled for refuge from the neighbouring
villages.

 (1) Larissa, on the side of the modern Nimrud (the south-west corner,
    as is commonly supposed, of Nineveh). The name is said to mean
    "citadel," and is given to various Greek cities (of which several
    occur in Xenophon).

 (2) I.e. Cyrus the Great.

From this place they marched one stage of six parasangs to a great
deserted fortress  (which lay over against the city), and the name of
that city was Mespila (3). The Medes once dwelt in it. The basement was  10
made of polished stone full of shells; fifty feet was the breadth of
it, and fifty feet the height; and on this basement was reared a wall
of brick, the breadth whereof was fifty feet and the height thereof
four hundred; and the circuit of the wall was six parasangs. Hither,
as the story goes, Medea (4), the king's wife, betook herself in flight
what time the Medes lost their empire at the hands of the Persians. To
this city also the king of the Pesians laid siege, but could not take
it either by length of days or strength of hand. But Zeus sent
amazement on the inhabitants thereof, and so it was taken.

 (3) Opposite Mosul, the north-west portion of the ancient Nineveh,
    about eighteen miles above Larissa. The circuit of Nineveh is said
    to have been about fifty-six miles. It was overthrown by Cyrus in
    B.C. 558.

 (4) The wife of Astyages, the last king of Media. Some think "the wall
    of Media" should be "Medea's wall," constructed in the period of
    Queen Nitocris, B.C. 560.

From this place they marched one stage--four parasangs. But, while
still on this stage, Tissaphernes made his appearance. He had with him
his own cavalry and a force belonging to Orontas, who had the king's
daughter to wife; and there were, moreover, with them the Asiatics
whom Cyrus had taken with him on his march up; together with those
whom the king's brother had brought as a reinforcement to the king;
besides those whom Tissaphernes himself had received as a gift from
the king, so that the armament appeared to be very great. When they
were close, he halted some of his regiments at the rear and wheeled
others into position on either flank, but hesitated to attack, having
no mind apparently to run any risks, and contenting himself with an
order to his slingers to sling and his archers to shoot. But when the
Rhodian slingers and the bowmen (5), posted at intervals, retaliated,
and every shot told (for with the utmost pains to miss it would have
been hard to do so under the circumstanecs), then Tissaphernes with
all speed retired out of range, the other regiments following suit;
and for the rest of the day the one party advanced and the other
followed. But now the Asiatics had ceased to be dangerous with their
sharpshooting. For the Rhodians could reach further than the Persian    16
slingers, or, indeed, than most of the bowmen. The Persian bows are of
great size, so that the Cretans found the arrows which were picked up
serviceable, and persevered in using their enemies' arrows, and
practised shooting with them, letting them fly upwards to a great
height (6). There were also plenty of bowstrings found in the
villages--and lead, which they turned to account for their slings. As
a result of this day, then, the Hellenes chancing upon some villages
had no sooner encamped than the barbarians fell back, having had
distinctly the worst of it in the skirmishing.

 (5) The best MSS read {Skuthai}, Scythians; if this is correct, it is
    only the technical name for "archers." Cf. Arrian, "Tact." ii. 13.
    The police at Athens were technically so called, as being composed
    of Scythian slaves. Cf. Aristoph. "Thesm." 1017.

 (6) I.e., in practising, in order to get the maximum range they let
    fly the arrows, not horizontally, but up into the air. Sir W.
    Raleigh (Hist. of the World, III. x. 8) says that Xenophon
    "trained his archers to short compass, who had been accustomed to
    the point blank," but this is surely not Xenophon's meaning.

The next day was a day of inaction: they halted and took in supplies,
as there was much corn in the villages; but on the day following, the
march was continued through the plain (of the Tigris), and
Tissaphernes still hung on their skirts with his skirmishers. And now
it was that the Hellenes discovered the defect of marching in a square
with an enemy following. As a matter of necessity, whenever the wings
of an army so disposed draw together, either where a road narrows, or
hills close in, or a bridge has to be crossed, the heavy infantry
cannot help being squeezed out of their ranks, and march with
difficulty, partly from actual pressure, and partly from the general
confusion that ensues. Or, supposing the wings are again extended, the
troops have hardly recovered from their former distress before they
are pulled asunder, and there is a wide space between the wings, and
the men concerned lose confidence in themselves, especially with an
enemy close behind. What happened, when a bridge had to be crossed or
other passage effected, was, that each unit of the force pressed on in
anxiety to get over first, and at these moments it was easy for the
enemy to make an attack. The generals accordingly, having recognised
the defect, set about curing it. To do so, they made six lochi, or
divisions of a hundred men apiece, each of which had its own set of
captains and under-officers in command of half and quarter companies.   21
It was the duty of these new companies, during a march, whenever the
flanks needed to close in, to fall back to the rear, so as to
disencumber the wings. This they did by wheeling clear of them. When
the sides of the oblong again extended, they filled up the
interstices, if the gap were narrow, by columns of companies, if
broader, by columns of half-companies, or, if broader still, by
columns of quarter-companies, so that the space between was always
filled up. If again it were necessary to effect a passage by bridge or
otherwise, there was no confusion, the several companies crossing in
turns; or, if the occasion arose to form in line of battle, these
companies came up to the front and fell in (7).

 (7) In the passage above I have translated {lokhoi} companies, and, as
    usual, {lokhagoi} captains. The half company is technically called
    a pentecostys, and a quarter company an enomoty, and the officers
    in charge of them respectively penteconter and enomotarch. These
    would be equivalent nearly to our subalterns and sergeants, and in
    the evolutions described would act as guides and markers in charge
    of their sections. Grote thinks there were six companies formed on
    each flank--twelve in all. See "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 123,
    note (1st ed.)

In this way they advanced four stages, but ere the fifth was
completed, they came in sight of a palace of some sort, with villages
clustered round it; they could further see that the road leading to
this place pursued its course over high undulating hillocks, the spur
of the mountain range, under which lay the village. These knolls were
a welcome sight to the Hellenes, naturally enough, as the enemy were
cavalry. However, when they had issued from the plain and ascended the
first crest, and were in the act of descending it so as to mount the
next, at this juncture the barbarians came upon them. From the high
ground down the sheer steep they poured a volley of darts,
slingstones, and arrows, which they discharged "under the lash (8),"
wounding many, until they got the better of the Hellenic light troops,
and drove them for shelter behind the heavy infantry, so that this day
that arm was altogether useless, huddling in the mob of sutlers, both   26
slingers and archers alike.

 (8) I.e. the Persian leaders were seen flogging their men to the
    attack. Cf. Herod. vii. 22. 3.

But when the Hellenes, being so pressed, made an attempt to pursue,
they could barely scale to the summit, being heavy-armed troops, while
the enemy as lightly sprung away; and they suffered similarly in
retiring to join the rest of the army. And then, on the second hill,
the whole had to be gone through again; so that when it came to the
third hillock, they determined not to move the main body of troops
from their position until they had brought up a squadron of light
infantry from the right flank of the square to a point on the mountain
range. When this detachment were once posted above their pursuers, the
latter desisted from attacking the main body in its descent, for fear
of being cut off and finding themselves between two assailants. Thus
the rest of the day they moved on in two divisions: one set keeping to
the road by the hillocks, the other marching parallel on the higher
level along the mountains; and thus they reached the villages and
appointed eight surgeons to attend to the many wounded.

Here they halted three days for the sake of the wounded chiefly, while
a further inducement was the plentiful supply of provisions which they
found, wheat and wine, and large stores of barley laid up for horses.
These supplies had been collected by the ruling satrap of the country.
On the fourth day they began their descent into the plain; but when
Tissaphernes overtook them, necessity taught them to camp in the first
village they caught sight of, and give over the attempt of marching
and fighting simultaneously, as so many were hors de combat, being
either on the list of wounded themselves, or else engaged in carrying
the wounded, or laden with the heavy arms of those so occupied. But
when they were once encamped, and the barbarians, advancing upon the
village, made an attempt to harass them with their sharp-shooters, the
superiority of the Hellenes was pronounced. To sustain a running fight
with an enemy constantly attacking was one thing; to keep him at arm's
length from a fixed base of action another: and the difference was
much in their favour.

But when it was late afternoon, the time had come for the enemy to      34
withdraw, since the habit of the barbarian was never to encamp within
seven or eight miles of the Hellenic camp. This he did in apprehension
of a night attack, for a Persian army is good for nothing at night.
Their horses are haltered, and, as a rule, hobbled as well, to prevent
their escaping, as they might if loose; so that, if any alarm occurs,
the trooper has to saddle and bridle his horse, and then he must put
on his own cuirass, and then mount--all which performances are
difficult at night and in the midst of confusion. For this reason they
always encamped at a distance from the Hellenes.

When the Hellenes perceived that they were preparing to retire, and
that the order was being given, the herald's cry, "Pack up for
starting," might be heard before the enemy was fairly out of earshot.
For a while the Asiatics paused, as if unwilling to be gone; but as
night closed in, off they went, for it did not suit their notions of
expediency to set off on a march and arrive by night. And now, when
the Hellenes saw that they were really and clearly gone, they too
broke up their camp and pursued their march till they had traversed
seven and a half miles. Thus the distance between the two armies grew
to be so great, that the next day the enemy did not appear at all, nor
yet on the third day; but on the fourth the barbarians had pushed on
by a forced night march and occupied a commanding position on the
right, where the Hellenes had to pass. It was a narrow mountain
spur (9) overhanging the descent into the plain.

 (9) Lit. "a mere nail tip."

But when Cheirisophus saw that this ridge was occupied, he summoned
Xenophon from the rear, bidding him at the same time to bring up
peltasts to the front. That Xenophon hesitated to do, for Tissaphernes
and his whole army were coming up and were well within sight.
Galloping up to the front himself, he asked: "Why do you summon me?"
The other answered him: "The reason is plain; look yonder; this crest
which overhangs our descent has been occupied. There is no passing,     39
until we have dislodged these fellows; why have you not brought up the
light infantry?" Xenophon explained: he had not thought it desirable
to leave the rear unprotected, with an enemy appearing in the field of
view. "However, it is time," he added, "to decide how we are to
dislodge these fellows from the crest." At this moment his eye fell on
the peak of the mountain, rising immediately above their army, and he
could see an approach leading from it to the crest in question where
the enemy lay. He exclaimed: "The best thing we can do, Cheirisophus,
is to make a dash at the height itself, and with what speed we may. If
we take it, the party in command of the road will never be able to
stop. If you like, stay in command of the army, and I will go; or, if
you prefer, do you go to the mountain, and I will stay here."--"I
leave it to you," Cheirisophus answered, "to choose which you like
best." Xenophon remarking, "I am the younger," elected to go; but he
stipulated for a detachment from the front to accompany him, since it
was a long way to fetch up troops from the rear. Accordingly
Cheirisophus furnished him with the light infantry from the front,
reoccupying their place by those from the centre. He also gave him, to
form part of the detachment, the three hundred of the picked corps (10)
under his own command at the head of the square.

 (10) Some think that these three hundred are three of the detached
    companies described above; others, that they were a picked corps
    in attendance on the commander-in-chief.

They set out from the low ground with all the haste imaginable. But
the enemy in position on the crest no sooner perceived their advance
upon the summit of the pass than they themselves set off full tilt in
a rival race for the summit too. Hoarse were the shouts of the
Hellenic troops as the men cheered their companions forwards, and
hoarse the answering shouts from the troops of Tissaphernes, urging on
theirs. Xenophon, mounted on his charger, rode beside his men, and
roused their ardour the while. "Now for it, brave sirs; bethink you
that this race is for Hellas!--now or never!--to find your boys, your
wives; one small effort, and the rest of the march we shall pursue in
peace, without ever a blow to strike; now for it." But Soteridas the
Sicyonian said: "We are not on equal terms, Xenophon; you are mounted   47
on a horse; I can hardly get along with my shield to carry;" and he,
on hearing the reproach, leapt from his horse. In another instant he
had pushed Soteridas from the ranks, snatched from him his shield, and
begun marching as quickly as he might under the circumstances, having
his horseman's cuirass to carry as well, so that he was sore pressed;
but he continued to cheer on the troops: exhorting those in front to
lead on and the men toiling behind to follow up (11). Soteridas was not
spared by the rest of the men. They gave him blows, they pelted him,
they showered him with abuse, till they compelled him to take back his
shield and march on; and the other, remounting, led them on horseback
as long as the footing held; but when the ground became too steep, he
left his horse and pressed forward on foot, and so they found
themselves on the summit before the enemy.

 (11) Some MSS. "and the men behind to pass him by, as he could but ill
    keep up the pace."

V

There and then the barbarians turned and fled as best they might, and   1
the Hellenes held the summit, while the troops with Tissaphernes and
Ariaeus turned aside and disappeared by another road. The main body
with Cheirisophus made its way down into the plain and encamped in a
village filled with good things of divers sorts. Nor did this village
stand alone; there were others not a few in this plain of the Tigris
equally overflowing with plenty. It was now afternoon; and all of a
sudden the enemy came in sight on the plain, and succeeded in cutting
down some of the Hellenes belonging to parties who were scattered over
the flat land in quest of spoil. Indeed, many herds of cattle had been
caught whilst being conveyed across to the other side of the river.
And now Tissaphernes and his troops made an attempt to burn the
villages, and some of the Hellenes were disposed to take the matter
deeply to heart, being apprehensive that they might not know where to
get provisions if the enemy burnt the villages.

Cheirisophus and his men were returning from their sally of defence
when Xenophon and his party descended, and the latter rode along the    4
ranks as the rescuing party came up, and greeted them thus: "Do you
not see, men of Hellas, they admit that the country is now ours; what
they stipulated against our doing when they made the treaty, viz. that
we were not to fire the king's country, they are now themselves
doing--setting fire to it as if it were not their own. But we will be
even with them; if they leave provisions for themselves anywhere,
there also shall they see us marching;" and, turning to Cheirisophus,
he added: "But it strikes me, we should sally forth against these
incendiaries and protect our country." Cheirisophus retorted: "That is
not quite my view; I say, let us do a little burning ourselves, and
they will cease all the quicker."

When they had got back to the villages, while the rest were busy about
provisions, the generals and officers met: and here there was deep
despondency. For on the one side were exceedingly high mountains; on
the other a river of such depth that they failed to reach the bottom
with their spears. In the midst of their perplexities, a Rhodian came
up with a proposal, as follows: "I am ready, sirs to carry you across,
four thousand heavy infantry at a time; if you will furnish me with
what I need and give me a talent into the bargain for my pains." When
asked, "What shall you need?" he replied: "Two thousand wine-skins. I
see there are plenty of sheep and goats and asses. They have only to
be flayed, and their skins inflated, and they will readily give us a
passage. I shall want also the straps which you use for the baggage
animals. With these I shall couple the skins to one another; then I
shall moor each skin by attaching stones and letting them down like
anchors into the water. Then I shall carry them across, and when I
have fastened the links at both ends, I shall place layers of wood on
them and a coating of earth on the top of that. You will see in a
minute that there's no danger of your drowning, for every skin will be
able to support a couple of men without sinking, and the wood and
earth will prevent your slipping off."

The generals thought it a pretty invention enough, but its realisation
impracticable, for on the other side were masses of cavalry posted and
ready to bar the passage; who, to begin with, would not suffer the      12
first detachment of crossers to carry out any item of the programme.

Under these circumstances, the next day they turned right about face,
and began retracing their steps in the direction of Babylon to the
unburnt villages, having previously set fire to those they left, so
that the enemy did not ride up to them, but stood and stared, all
agape to see in what direction the Hellenes would betake themselves
and what they were minded to do. Here, again, while the rest of the
soldiers were busy about provisions, the generals and officers met in
council, and after collecting the prisoners together, submitted them
to a cross-examination touching the whole country round, the names,
and so forth, of each district.

The prisoners informed them that the regions south, through which they
had come, belonged to the district towards Babylon and Media; the road
east led to Susa and Ecbatana, where the king is said to spend summer
and spring; crossing the river, the road west led to Lydia and Ionia;
and the part through the mountains facing towards the Great Bear, led,
they said, to the Carduchians (1). They were a people, so said the
prisoners, dwelling up on the hills, addicted to war, and not subject
to the king; so much so that once, when a royal army one hundred and
twenty thousand strong had invaded them, not a man came back, owing to
the intricacies of the country. Occasionally, however, they made truce
or treaty with the satrap in the plain, and, for the nonce, there
would be intercourse: "they will come in and out amongst us," "and we
will go in and out amongst them," said the captives.

 (1) See Dr. Kiepert, "Man. Anc. Geog." (Mr. G. A. Macmillan) iv. 47.
    The Karduchians or Kurds belong by speech to the Iranian stock,
    forming in fact their farthest outpost to the west, little given
    to agriculture, but chiefly to the breeding of cattle. Their name,
    pronounced Kardu by the ancient Syrians and Assyrians, Kordu by
    the Armenians (plural Kordukh), first appears in its narrower
    sense in western literature in the pages of the eye-witness
    Xenophon as {Kardoukhoi}. Later writers knew of a small kingdom
    here at the time of the Roman occupation, ruled by native princes,
    who after Tigranes II (about 80 B.C.) recognised the overlordship
    of the Armenian king. Later it became a province of the Sassanid
    kingdom, and as such was in 297 A.D. handed over among the
    regiones transtigritanae to the Roman empire, but in 364 was again
    ceded to Persia.

After hearing these statements, the generals seated apart those who     17
claimed to have any special knowledge of the country in any direction;
they put them to sit apart without making it clear which particular
route they intended to take. Finally the resolution to which they came
was that they must force a passage through the hills into the
territory of the Kurds; since, according to what their informants told
them, when they had once passed these, they would find themselves in
Armenia--the rich and large territory governed by Orontas; and from
Armenia, it would be easy to proceed in any direction whatever.
Thereupon they offered sacrifice, so as to be ready to start on the
march as soon as the right moment appeared to have arrived. Their
chief fear was that the high pass over the mountains must be occupied
in advance: and a general order was issued, that after supper every
one should get his kit together for starting, and repose, in readiness
to follow as soon as the word of command was given.

BOOK IV

 (In the preceding portion of the narrative a full account is
given of the incidents of the march up to the battle, and of
the occurrences after the battle during the truce which was
established between the king and the Hellenes, who marched up
with Cyrus, and thirdly, of the fighting to which the Hellenes
were exposed, after the king and Tissaphernes had broken the
treaty, while a Persian army hung on their rear. Having
finally reached a point at which the Tigris was absolutely
impassable owing to its depth and breadth, while there was no
passage along the bank itself, and the Carduchian hills hung
sheer over the river, the generals took the resolution above
mentioned of forcing a passage through the mountains. The
information derived from the prisoners taken along the way led
them to believe that once across the Carduchian mountains they
would have the choice either of crossing the Tigris--if they
liked to do so--at its sources in Armenia, or of going round
them, if so they preferred. Report further said that the
sources of the Euphrates also were not far from those of the
Tigris, and this is actually the case. The advance into the
country of the Carduchians was conducted with a view partly to
secrecy, and partly to speed, so as to effect their entry
before the enemy could occupy the passes.)

I

It was now about the last watch, and enough of the night remained to    1
allow them to cross the valley under cover of darkness; when, at the
word of command, they rose and set off on their march, reaching the
mountains at daybreak. At this stage of the march Cheirisophus, at the
head of his own division, with the whole of the light troops, led the
van, while Xenophon followed behind with the heavy infantry of the
rearguard, but without any light troops, since there seemed to be no
danger of pursuit or attack from the rear, while they were making
their way up hill. Cheirisophus reached the summit without any of the   6
enemy perceiving him. Then he led on slowly, and the rest of the army
followed, wave upon wave, cresting the summit and descending into the
villages which nestled in the hollows and recesses of the hills.

Thereupon the Carduchians abandoned their dwelling places, and with
their wives and children fled to the mountains; so there was plenty of
provisions to be got for the mere trouble of taking, and the
homesteads too were well supplied with a copious store of bronze
vessels and utensils which the Hellenes kept their hands off,
abstaining at the same time from all pursuit of the folk themselves,
gently handling them, in hopes that the Carduchians might be willing
to give them friendly passage through their country, since they too
were enemies of the king: only they helped themselves to such
provisions as fell in their way, which indeed was a sheer necessity.
But the Carduchians neither gave ear, when they called to them, nor
showed any other friendly sign; and now, as the last of the Hellenes
descended into the villages from the pass, they were already in the
dark, since, owing to the narrowness of the road, the whole day had
been spent in the ascent and descent. At that instant a party of the
Carduchians, who had collected, made an attack on the hindmost men,
killing some and wounding others with stones and arrows--though it was
quite a small body who attacked. The fact was, the approach of the
Hellenic army had taken them by surprise; if, however, they had
mustered in larger force at this time, the chances are that a large
portion of the army would have been annihilated. As it was, they got
into quarters, and bivouacked in the villages that night, while the
Carduchians kept many watch-fires blazing in a circle on the
mountains, and kept each other in sight all round.

But with the dawn the generals and officers of the Hellenes met and
resolved to proceed, taking only the necessary number of stout baggage
animals, and leaving the weaklings behind. They resolved further to
let go free all the lately-captured slaves in the host; for the pace
of the march was necessarily rendered slow by the quantity of animals
and prisoners, and the number of non-combatants in attendance on these  13
was excessive, while, with such a crowd of human beings to satisfy,
twice the amount of provisions had to be procured and carried. These
resolutions passed, they caused a proclamation by herald to be made
for their enforcement.

When they had breakfasted and the march recommenced, the generals
planted themselves a little to one side in a narrow place, and when
they found any of the aforesaid slaves or other property still
retained, they confiscated them. The soldiers yielded obedience,
except where some smuggler, prompted by desire of a good-looking boy
or woman, managed to make off with his prize. During this day they
contrived to get along after a fashion, now fighting and now resting.
But on the next day they were visited by a great storm, in spite of
which they were obliged to continue the march, owing to insufficiency
of provisions. Cheirisophus was as usual leading in front, while
Xenophon headed the rearguard, when the enemy began a violent and
sustained attack. At one narrow place after another they came up quite
close, pouring in volleys of arrows and slingstones, so that the
Hellenes had no choice but to make sallies in pursuit and then again
recoil, making but very little progress. Over and over again Xenophon
would send an order to the front to slacken pace, when the enemy were
pressing their attack severely. As a rule, when the word was so passed
up, Cheirisophus slackened; but sometimes instead of slackening,
Cheirisophus quickened, sending down a counter-order to the rear to
follow on quickly. It was clear that there was something or other
happening, but there was no time to go to the front and discover the
cause of the hurry. Under the circumstances the march, at any rate in
the rear, became very like a rout, and here a brave man lost his life,
Cleonymus the Laconian, shot with an arrow in the ribs right through
shield and corselet, as also Basias, an Arcadian, shot clean through
the head.

As soon as they reached a halting-place, Xenophon, without more ado,
came up to Cheirisophus, and took him to task for not having waited,
"whereby," he said, "we were forced to fight and flee at the same       19
moment; and now it has cost us the lives of two fine fellows; they are
dead, and we were not able to pick up their bodies or bury them."
Cheirisophus answered: "Look up there," pointing as he spoke to the
mountain, "do you see how inaccessible it all is? only this one road,
which you see, going straight up, and on it all that crowd of men who
have seized and are guarding the single exit. That is why I hastened
on, and why I could not wait for you, hoping to be beforehand with
them yonder in seizing the pass: the guides we have got say there is
no other way." And Xenophon replied: "But I have got two prisoners
also; the enemy annoyed us so much that we laid an ambuscade for them,
which also gave us time to recover our breaths; we killed some of
them, and did our best to catch one or two alive--for this very
reason--that we might have guides who knew the country, to depend
upon."

The two were brought up at once and questioned separately: "Did they
know of any other road than the one visible?" The first said no; and
in spite of all sorts of terrors applied to extract a better
answer--"no," he persisted. When nothing could be got out of him, he
was killed before the eyes of his fellow. This latter then explained:
"Yonder man said, he did not know, because he has got a daughter
married to a husband in those parts. I can take you," he added, "by a
good road, practicable even for beasts." And when asked whether there
was any point on it difficult to pass, he replied that there was a col
which it would be impossible to pass unless it were occupied in
advance.

Then it was resolved to summon the officers of the light infantry and
some of those of the heavy infantry, and to acquaint them with the
state of affairs, and ask them whether any of them were minded to
distinguish themselves, and would step forward as volunteers on an
expedition. Two or three heavy infantry soldiers stepped forward at
once--two Arcadians, Aristonymus of Methydrium, and Agasias of
Stymphalus--and in emulation of these, a third, also an Arcadian,
Callimachus from Parrhasia, who said he was ready to go, and would get
volunteers from the whole army to join him. "I know," he added, "there  27
will be no lack of youngsters to follow where I lead." After that they
asked, "Were there any captains of light infantry willing to accompany
the expedition?" Aristeas, a Chian, who on several occasions proved
his usefulness to the army on such service, volunteered.

II

It was already late afternoon, when they ordered the storming party to  1
take a snatch of food and set off; then they bound the guide and
handed him over to them. The agreement was, that if they succeeded in
taking the summit they were to guard the position that night, and at
daybreak to give a signal by bugle. At this signal the party on the
summit were to attack the enemy in occupation of the visible pass,
while the generals with the main body would bring up their succours;
making their way up with what speed they might. With this
understanding, off they set, two thousand strong; and there was a
heavy downpour of rain, but Xenophon, with his rearguard, began
advancing to the visible pass, so that the enemy might fix his
attention on this road, and the party creeping round might, as much as
possible, elude observation. Now when the rearguard, so advancing, had
reached a ravine which they must cross in order to strike up the
steep, at that instant the barbarians began rolling down great
boulders, each a wagon load (1), some larger, some smaller; against the
rocks they crashed and splintered flying like slingstones in every
direction--so that it was absolutely out of the question even to
approach the entrance of the pass. Some of the officers finding
themselves baulked at this point, kept trying other ways, nor did they
desist till darkness set in; and then, when they thought they would
not be seen retiring, they returned to supper. Some of them who had
been on duty in the rearguard had had no breakfast (it so happened).
However, the enemy never ceased rolling down their stones all through
the night, as was easy to infer from the booming sound.

 (1) I.e. several ton weight.

The party with the guide made a circuit and surprised the enemy's
guards seated round their fire, and after killing some, and driving
out the rest, took their places, thinking that they were in possession
of the height. As a matter of fact they were not, for above them lay a  6
breast-like hill (2) skirted by the narrow road on which they had found
the guards seated. Still, from the spot in question there was an
approach to the enemy, who were seated on the pass before mentioned.

 (2) Or, "mamelon."

Here then they passed the night, but at the first glimpse of dawn they
marched stealthily and in battle order against the enemy. There was a
mist, so that they could get quite close without being observed. But
as soon as they caught sight of one another, the trumpet sounded, and
with a loud cheer they rushed upon the fellows, who did not wait their
coming, but left the road and made off; with the loss of only a few
lives however, so nimble were they. Cheirisophus and his men, catching
the sound of the bugle, charged up by the well-marked road, while
others of the generals pushed their way up by pathless routes, where
each division chanced to be; the men mounting as they were best able,
and hoisting one another up by means of their spears; and these were
the first to unite with the party who had already taken the position
by storm. Xenophon, with the rearguard, followed the path which the
party with the guide had taken, since it was easiest for the beasts of
burthen; one half of his men he had posted in rear of the baggage
animals; the other half he had with himself. In their course they
encountered a crest above the road, occupied by the enemy, whom they
must either dislodge or be themselves cut off from the rest of the
Hellenes. The men by themselves could have taken the same route as the
rest, but the baggage animals could not mount by any other way than
this.

Here then, with shouts of encouragement to each other, they dashed at
the hill with their storming columns, not from all sides, but leaving
an avenue of escape for the enemy, if he chose to avail himself of it.
For a while, as the men scrambled up where each best could, the
natives kept up a fire of arrows and darts, yet did not receive them
at close quarters, but presently left the position in flight. No
sooner, however, were the Hellenes safely past this crest, than they
came in sight of another in front of them, also occupied, and deemed
it advisable to storm it also. But now it struck Xenophon that if they  13
left the ridge just taken unprotected in their rear, the enemy might
re-occupy it and attack the baggage animals as they filed past,
presenting a long extended line owing to the narrowness of the road by
which they made their way. To obviate this, he left some officers in
charge of the ridge--Cephisodorus, son of Cephisophon, an Athenian;
Amphicrates, the son of Amphidemus, an Athenian; and Archagoras, an
Argive exile--while he in person with the rest of the men attacked the
second ridge; this they took in the same fashion, only to find that
they had still a third knoll left, far the steepest of the three. This
was none other than the mamelon mentioned as above the outpost, which
had been captured over their fire by the volunteer storming party in
the night. But when the Hellenes were close, the natives, to the
astonishment of all, without a struggle deserted the knoll. It was
conjectured that they had left their position from fear of being
encircled and besieged, but the fact was that they, from their higher
ground, had been able to see what was going on in the rear, and had
all made off in this fashion to attack the rearguard.

So then Xenophon, with the youngest men, scaled up to the top, leaving
orders to the rest to march on slowly, so as to allow the hindmost
companies to unite with them; they were to advance by the road, and
when they reached the level to ground arms (3). Meanwhile the Argive
Archagoras arrived, in full flight, with the announcement that they
had been dislodged from the first ridge, and that Cephisodorus and
Amphicrates were slain, with a number of others besides, all in fact
who had not jumped down the crags and so reached the rearguard. After
this achievement the barbarians came to a crest facing the mamelon,
and Xenophon held a colloquy with them by means of an interpreter, to
negotiate a truce, and demanded back the dead bodies. These they
agreed to restore if he would not burn their houses, and to these
terms Xenophon agreed. Meanwhile, as the rest of the army filed past,
and the colloquy was proceeding, all the people of the place had time
to gather gradually, and the enemy formed; and as soon as the Hellenes
began to descend from the mamelon to join the others where the troops
were halted, on rushed the foe, in full force, with hue and cry. They   20
reached the summit of the mamelon from which Xenophon was descending,
and began rolling down crags. One man's leg was crushed to pieces.
Xenophon was left by his shield-bearer, who carried off his shield,
but Eurylochus of Lusia (4), an Arcadian hoplite, ran up to him, and
threw his shield in front to protect both of them; so the two together
beat a retreat, and so too the rest, and joined the serried ranks of
the main body.

 (3) To take up position.

 (4) I.e. of Lusi (or Lusia), a town (or district) in Northern Arcadia.

After this the whole Hellenic force united, and took up their quarters
there in numerous beautiful dwellings, with an ample store of
provisions, for there was wine so plentiful that they had it in
cemented cisterns. Xenophon and Cheirisophus arranged to recover the
dead, and in return restored the guide; afterwards they did everything
for the dead, according to the means at their disposal, with the
customary honours paid to good men.

Next day they set off without a guide; and the enemy, by keeping up a
continuous battle and occupying in advance every narrow place,
obstructed passage after passage. Accordingly, whenever the van was
obstructed, Xenophon, from behind, made a dash up the hills and broke
the barricade, and freed the vanguard by endeavouring to get above the
obstructing enemy. Whenever the rear was the point attacked,
Cheirisophus, in the same way, made a detour, and by endeavouring to
mount higher than the barricaders, freed the passage for the rear
rank; and in this way, turn and turn about, they rescued each other,
and paid unflinching attention to their mutual needs. At times it
happened that, the relief party having mounted, encountered
considerable annoyance in their descent from the barbarians, who were
so agile that they allowed them to come up quite close, before they
turned back, and still escaped, partly no doubt because the only
weapons they had to carry were bows and slings.

They were, moreover, excellent archers, using bows nearly three cubits
long and arrows more than two cubits. When discharging the arrow, they
draw the string by getting a purchase with the left foot planted        28
forward on the lower end of the bow. The arrows pierced through shield
and cuirass, and the Hellenes, when they got hold of them, used them
as javelins, fitting them to their thongs. In these districts the
Cretans were highly serviceable. They were under the command of
Stratocles, a Cretan.

III

During this day they bivouacked in the villages which lie above the     1
plain of the river Centrites (1), which is about two hundred feet
broad. It is the frontier river between Armenia and the country of the
Carduchians. Here the Hellenes recruited themselves, and the sight of
the plain filled them with joy, for the river was but six or seven
furlongs distant from the mountains of the Carduchians. For the moment
then they bivouacked right happily; they had their provisions, they
had also many memories of the labours that were now passed; seeing
that the last seven days spent in traversing the country of the
Carduchians had been one long continuous battle, which had cost them
more suffering than the whole of their troubles at the hands of the
king and Tissaphernes put together. As though they were truly quit of
them for ever, they laid their heads to rest in sweet content.

 (1) I.e. the Eastern Tigris.

But with the morrow's dawn they espied horsemen at a certain point
across the river, armed cap-a-pie, as if they meant to dispute the
passage. Infantry, too, drawn up in line upon the banks above the
cavalry, threatened to prevent them debouching into Armenia. These
troops were Armenian and Mardian and Chaldaean mercenaries belonging
to Orontas and Artuchas. The last of the three, the Chaldaeans, were
said to be a free and brave set of people. They were armed with long
wicker shields and lances. The banks before named on which they were
drawn up were a hundred yards or more distant from the river, and the
single road which was visible was one leading upwards and looking like
a regular artificially constructed highway. At this point the Hellenes
endeavoured to cross, but on their making the attempt the water proved  6
to be more than breast-deep, and the river bed was rough with great
slippery stones, and as to holding their arms in the water, it was out
of the question--the stream swept them away--or if they tried to carry
them over the head, the body was left exposed to the arrows and other
missiles; accordingly they turned back and encamped there by the bank
of the river.

At the point where they had themselves been last night, up on the
mountains, they could see the Carduchians collected in large numbers
and under arms. A shadow of deep despair again descended on their
souls, whichever way they turned their eyes--in front lay the river so
difficult to ford; over, on the other side, a new enemy threatening to
bar the passage; on the hills behind, the Carduchians ready to fall
upon their rear should they once again attempt to cross. Thus for this
day and night they halted, sunk in perplexity. But Xenophon had a
dream. In his sleep he thought that he was bound in fetters, but
these, of their own accord, fell from off him, so that he was loosed,
and could stretch his legs as freely as he wished (2). So at the first
glimpse of daylight he came to Cheirisophus and told him that he had
hopes that all things would go well, and related to him his dream.

 (2) It is impossible to give the true sense and humour of the passage
    in English, depending, as it does, on the double meaning of
    {diabainein} (1) to cross (a river), (2) to stride or straddle (of
    the legs). The army is unable to cross the Centrites; Xenophon
    dreams that he is fettered, but the chains drop off his legs and
    he is able to stride as freely as ever; next morning the two young
    men come to him with the story how they have found themselves able
    to walk cross the river instead of having to swim it. It is
    obvious to Xenophon that the dream is sent from Heaven.

The other was well pleased, and with the first faint gleam of dawn the
generals all were present and did sacrifice; and the victims were
favourable in the first essay. Retiring from the sacrifice, the
generals and officers issued an order to the troops to take their
breakfasts; and while Xenophon was taking his, two young men came
running up to him, for every one knew that, breakfasting or supping,
he was always accessible, or that even if asleep any one was welcome
to awaken him who had anything to say bearing on the business of war.   10
What the two young men had at this time to say was that they had been
collecting brushwood for fire, and had presently espied on the
opposite side, in among some rocks which came down to the river's
brink, an old man and some women and little girls depositing, as it
would appear, bags of clothes in a cavernous rock. When they saw them,
it struck them that it was safe to cross; in any case the enemy's
cavalry could not approach at this point. So they stripped naked,
expecting to have to swim for it, and with their long knives in their
hands began crossing, but going forward crossed without being wet up
to the fork. Once across they captured the clothes, and came back
again.

Accordingly Xenophon at once poured out a libation himself, and bade
the two young fellows fill the cup and pray to the gods, who showed to
him this vision and to them a passage, to bring all other blessings
for them to accomplishment. When he had poured out the libation, he at
once led the two young men to Cheirisophus, and they repeated to him
their story. Cheirisophus, on hearing it, offered libations also, and
when they had performed them, they sent a general order to the troops
to pack up ready for starting, while they themselves called a meeting
of the generals and took counsel how they might best effect a passage,
so as to overpower the enemy in front without suffering any loss from
the men behind. And they resolved that Cheirisophus should lead the
van and cross with half the army, the other half still remaining
behind under Xenophon, while the baggage animals and the mob of
sutlers were to cross between the two divisions.

When all was duly ordered the move began, the young men pioneering
them, and keeping the river on their left. It was about four furlongs'
march to the crossing, and as they moved along the bank, the squadrons
of cavalry kept pace with them on the opposite side.

But when they had reached a point in a line with the ford, and the
cliff-like banks of the river, they grounded arms, and first
Cheirisophus himself placed a wreath upon his brows, and throwing off   17
his cloak (3), resumed his arms, passing the order to all the rest to
do the same, and bade the captains form their companies in open order
in deep columns, some to left and some to right of himself. Meanwhile
the soothsayers were slaying a victim over the river, and the enemy
were letting fly their arrows and slingstones; but as yet they were
out of range. As soon as the victims were favourable, all the soldiers
began singing the battle hymn, and with the notes of the paean mingled
the shouting of the men accompanied by the shriller chant of the
women, for there were many women (4) in the camp.

 (3) Or, "having doffed it," i.e. the wreath, an action which the
    soldiers would perform symbolically, if Grote is right in his
    interpretation of the passage, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 137.

 (4) Lit. "comrade-women."

So Cheirisophus with his detachment stepped in. But Xenophon, taking
the most active-bodied of the rearguard, began running back at full
speed to the passage facing the egress into the hills of Armenia,
making a feint of crossing at that point to intercept their cavalry on
the river bank. The enemy, seeing Cheirisophus's detachment easily
crossing the stream, and Xenophon's men racing back, were seized with
the fear of being intercepted, and fled at full speed in the direction
of the road which emerges from the stream. But when they were come
opposite to it they raced up hill towards their mountains. Then
Lycius, who commanded the cavalry, and Aeschines, who was in command
of the division of light infantry attached to Cheirisophus, no sooner
saw them fleeing so lustily than they were after them, and the
soldiers shouted not to fall behind (5), but to follow them right up to
the mountains. Cheirisophus, on getting across, forbore to pursue the
cavalry, but advanced by the bluffs which reached to the river to
attack the enemy overhead. And these, seeing their own cavalry
fleeing, seeing also the heavy infantry advancing upon them, abandoned
the heights above the river.

 (5) Or, "to stick tight to them and not to be outdone"; or, as others
    understand, "the (infantry) soldiers clamoured not to be left
    behind, but to follow them up into the mountains."

Xenophon, as soon as he saw that things were going well on the other    24
side, fell back with all speed to join the troops engaged in crossing,
for by this time the Carduchians were well in sight, descending into
the plain to attack their rear.

Cheirisophus was in possession of the higher ground, and Lycius, with
his little squadron, in an attempt to follow up the pursuit, had
captured some stragglers of their baggage-bearers, and with them some
handsome apparel and drinking-cups. The baggage animals of the
Hellenes and the mob of non-combatants were just about to cross, when
Xenonphon turned his troops right about to face the Carduchians.
Vis-a-vis he formed his line, passing the order to the captains each
to form his company into sections, and to deploy them into line by the
left, the captains of companies and lieutenants in command of sections
to advance to meet the Carduchians, while the rear leaders would keep
their position facing the river. But when the Carduchians saw the
rearguard so stript of the mass, and looking now like a mere handful
of men, they advanced all the more quickly, singing certain songs the
while. Then, as matters were safe with him, Cheirisophus sent back the
peltasts and slingers and archers to join Xenophon, with orders to
carry out his instructions. They were in the act of recrossing, when
Xenophon, who saw their intention, sent a messenger across, bidding
them wait there at the river's brink without crossing; but as soon as
he and his detachment began to cross they were to step in facing him
in two flanking divisions right and left of them, as if in the act of
crossing; the javelin men with their javelins on the thong, and the
bowmen with their arrows on the string; but they were not to advance
far into the stream. The order passed to his own men was: "Wait till
you are within sling-shot, and the shield rattles, then sound the
paean and charge the enemy. As soon as he turns, and the bugle from
the river sounds for 'the attack,' you will face about to the right,
the rear rank leading, and the whole detachment falling back and
crossing the river as quickly as possible, every one preserving his
original rank, so as to avoid tramelling one another: the bravest man
is he who gets to the other side first."

The Carduchians, seeing that the remnant left was the merest handful    30
(for many even of those whose duty it was to remain had gone off in
their anxiety to protect their beasts of burden, or their personal
kit, or their mistresses), bore down upon them valorously, and opened
fire with slingstones and arrows. But the Hellenes, raising the battle
hymn, dashed at them at a run, and they did not await them; armed well
enough for mountain warfare, and with a view to sudden attack followed
by speedy flight, they were not by any means sufficiently equipped for
an engagement at close quarters. At this instant the signal of the
bugle was heard. Its notes added wings to the flight of the
barbarians, but the Hellenes turned right about in the opposite
direction, and betook themselves to the river with what speed they
might. Some of the enemy, here a man and there another, perceived, and
running back to the river, let fly their arrows and wounded a few; but
the majority, even when the Hellenes were well across, were still to
be seen pursuing their flight. The detachment which came to meet
Xenophon's men, carried away by their valour, advanced further than
they had need to, and had to cross back again in the rear of
Xenophon's men, and of these too a few were wounded.

IV

The passage effected, they fell into line about mid-day, and marched    1
through Armenian territory, one long plain with smooth rolling
hillocks, not less than five parasangs in distance; for owing to the
wars of this people with the Carduchians there were no villages near
the river. The village eventually reached was large, and possessed a
palace belonging to the satrap, and most of the houses were crowned
with turrets; provisions were plentiful.

From this village they marched two stages--ten parasangs--until they
had surmounted the sources of the river Tigris; and from this point
they marched three stages--fifteen parasangs--to the river Teleboas.
This was a fine stream, though not large, and there were many
villages about it. The district was named Western Armenia. The
lieutenant-governor of it was Tiribazus, the king's friend, and
whenever the latter paid a visit, he alone had the privilege of
mounting the king upon his horse. This officer rode up to the Hellenes
with a body of cavalry, and sending forward an interpreter, stated
that he desired a colloquy with the leaders. The generals resolved to   5
hear what he had to say; and advancing on their side to within
speaking distance, they demanded what he wanted. He replied that he
wished to make a treaty with them, in accordance with which he on his
side would abstain from injuring the Hellenes, if they would not burn
his houses, but merely take such provisions as they needed. This
proposal satisfied the generals, and a treaty was made on the terms
suggested.

From this place they marched three stages--fifteen parasangs--through
plain country, Tiribazus the while keeping close behind with his own
forces more than a mile off. Presently they reached a palace with
villages clustered round about it, which were full of supplies in
great variety. But while they were encamping in the night, there was a
heavy fall of snow, and in the morning it was resolved to billet out
the different regiments, with their generals, throughout the villages.
There was no enemy in sight, and the proceeding seemed prudent, owing
to the quantity of snow. In these quarters they had for provisions all
the good things there are--sacrificial beasts, corn, old wines with an
exquisite bouquet, dried grapes, and vegetables of all sorts. But some
of the stragglers from the camp reported having seen an army, and the
blaze of many watchfires in the night. Accordingly the generals
concluded that it was not prudent to separate their quarters in this
way, and a resolution was passed to bring the troops together again.
After that they reunited, the more so that the weather promised to be
fine with a clear sky; but while they lay there in open quarters,
during the night down came so thick a fall of snow that it completely
covered up the stacks of arms and the men themselves lying down. It
cramped and crippled the baggage animals; and there was great
unreadiness to get up, so gently fell the snow as they lay there warm
and comfortable, and formed a blanket, except where it slipped off the
sleepers' shoulders; and it was not until Xenophon roused himself to
get up, and, without his cloak on (1), began to split wood, that
quickly first one and then another got up, and taking the log away      12
from him, fell to splitting. Thereat the rest followed suit, got up,
and began kindling fire and oiling their bodies, for there was a
scented unguent to be found there in abundance, which they used
instead of oil. It was made from pig's fat, sesame, bitter almonds,
and turpentine. There was a sweet oil also to be found, made of the
same ingredients.

 (1) Or, as we should say, "in his shirt sleeves." Doubtless he lay
    with his {imation} or cloak loosely wrapped round him; as he
    sprang to his feet he would throw it off, or it would fall off,
    and with the simple inner covering of the {khiton} to protect him,
    and arms free, he fell to chopping the wood, only half clad.

After this it was resolved that they must again separate their
quarters and get under cover in the villages. At this news the
soldiers, with much joy and shouting, rushed upon the covered houses
and the provisions; but all who in their blind folly had set fire to
the houses when they left them before, now paid the penalty in the
poor quarters they got. From this place one night they sent off a
party under Democrates, a Temenite (2), up into the mountains, where
the stragglers reported having seen watchfires. The leader selected
was a man whose judgement might be depended upon to verify the truth
of the matter. With a happy gift to distinguish between fact and
fiction, he had often been successfully appealed to. He went and
reported that he had seen no watchfires, but he had got a man, whom he
brought back with him, carrying a Persian bow and quiver, and a
sagaris or battleaxe like those worn by the Amazons. When asked "from
what country he came," the prisoner answered that he was "a Persian,
and was going from the army of Tiribazus to get provisions." They next
asked him "how large the army was, and for what object it had been
collected." His answer was that "it consisted of Tiribazus at the head
of his own forces, and aided by some Chalybian and Taochian
mercenaries. Tiribazus had got it together," he added, "meaning to
attack the Hellenes on the high mountain pass, in a defile which was
the sole passage."

 (2) Reading {Temeniten}, i.e. a native of Temenus, a district of
    Syracuse; al. {Temniten}, i.e. from Temnus in the Aeolid; al.
    {Temeniten}, i.e. from Temenum in the Argolid.

When the generals heard this news, they resolved to collect the
troops, and they set off at once, taking the prisoner to act as guide,
and leaving a garrison behind with Sophaenetus the Stymphalian in       19
command of those who remained in the camp. As soon as they had begun
to cross the hills, the light infantry, advancing in front and
catching sight of the camp, did not wait for the heavy infantry, but
with a loud shout rushed upon the enemy's entrenchment. The natives,
hearing the din and clatter, did not care to stop, but took rapidly to
their heels. But, for all their expedition, some of them were killed,
and as many as twenty horses were captured, with the tent of
Tiribazus, and its contents, silver-footed couches and goblets,
besides certain persons styling themselves the butlers and bakers. As
soon as the generals of the heavy infantry division had learnt the
news, they resolved to return to the camp with all speed, for fear of
an attack being made on the remnant left behind. The recall was
sounded and the retreat commenced; the camp was reached the same day.

V

The next day it was resolved that they should set off with all          1
possible speed, before the enemy had time to collect and occupy the
defile. Having got their kit and baggage together, they at once began
their march through deep snow with several guides, and, crossing the
high pass the same day on which Tiribazus was to have attacked them,
got safely into cantonments. From this point they marched three desert
stages--fifteen parassangs--to the river Euphrates, and crossed it in
water up to the waist. The sources of the river were reported to be at
no great distance. From this place they marched through deep snow over
a flat country three stages--fifteen parasangs (1). The last of these
marches was trying, with the north wind blowing in their teeth, drying
up everything and benumbing the men. Here one of the seers suggested
to them to do sacrifice to Boreas, and sacrifice was done. The effect
was obvious to all in the diminished fierceness of the blast. But
there was six feet of snow, so that many of the baggage animals and
slaves were lost, and about thirty of the men themselves.

 (1) Al. "ten," al. "five."

They spent the whole night in kindling fire; for there was fortunately
no dearth of wood at the halting-place; only those who came late into
camp had no wood. Accordingly those who had arrived a good while and    5
had kindled fires were not for allowing these late-comers near the
fires, unless they would in return give a share of their corn or of
any other victuals they might have. Here then a general exchange of
goods was set up. Where the fire was kindled the snow melted, and
great trenches formed themselves down to the bare earth, and here it
was possible to measure the depth of the snow.

Leaving these quarters, they marched the whole of the next day over
snow, and many of the men were afflicted with "boulimia" (or
hunger-faintness). Xenophon, who was guarding the rear, came upon some
men who had dropt down, and he did not know what ailed them; but some
one who was experienced in such matters suggested to him that they had
evidently got boulimia; and if they got something to eat, they would
revive. Then he went the round of the baggage train, and laying an
embargo on any eatables he could see, doled out with his own hands, or
sent off other able-bodied agents to distribute to the sufferers, who
as soon as they had taken a mouthful got on their legs again and
continued the march.

On and on they marched, and about dusk Cheirisophus reached a village,
and surprised some women and girls who had come from the village to
fetch water at the fountain outside the stockade. These asked them who
they were. The interpreters answered for them in Persian: "They were
on their way from the king to the satrap;" in reply to which the women
gave them to understand that the satrap was not at home, but was away
a parasang farther on. As it was late they entered with the
water-carriers within the stockade to visit the headman of the
village. Accordingly Cheirisophus and as many of the troops as were
able got into cantonments there, while the rest of the soldiers--those
namely who were unable to complete the march--had to spend the night
out, without food and without fire; under the circumstances some of
the men perished.

On the heels of the army hung perpetually bands of the enemy,
snatching away disabled baggage animals and fighting with each other
over the carcases. And in its track not seldom were left to their fate
disabled soldiers, struck down with snow-blindness or with toes         12
mortified by frostbite. As to the eyes, it was some alleviation
against the snow to march with something black before them; for the
feet, the only remedy was to keep in motion without stopping for an
instant, and to loose the sandal at night. If they went to sleep with
the sandals on, the thong worked into the feet, and the sandals were
frozen fast to them. This was partly due to the fact that, since their
old sandals had failed, they wore untanned brogues made of
newly-flayed ox-hides. It was owing to some such dire necessity that a
party of men fell out and were left behind, and seeing a black-looking
patch of ground where the snow had evidently disappeared, they
conjectured it must have been melted; and this was actually so, owing
to a spring of some sort which was to be seen steaming up in a dell
close by. To this they had turned aside and sat down, and were loth to
go a step further. But Xenophon, with his rearguard, perceived them,
and begged and implored them by all manner of means not to be left
behind, telling them that the enemy were after them in large packs
pursuing; and he ended by growing angry. They merely bade him put a
knife to their throats; not one step farther would they stir. Then it
seemed best to frighten the pursuing enemy if possible, and prevent
their falling upon the invalids. It was already dusk, and the pursuers
were advancing with much noise and hubbub, wrangling and disputing
over their spoils. Then all of a sudden the rearguard, in the
plenitude of health and strength (2), sprang up out of their lair and
run upon the enemy, whilst those weary wights (3) bawled out as loud as
their sick throats could sound, and clashed their spears against their
shields; and the enemy in terror hurled themselves through the snow
into the dell, and not one of them ever uttered a sound again.

 (2) Hug, after Rehdantz, would omit the words "in the plenitude of
    health and strength."

 (3) Or, "the invalids."

Xenophon and his party, telling the sick folk that next day people
would come for them, set off, and before they had gone half a mile
they fell in with some soldiers who had laid down to rest on the snow
with their cloaks wrapped round them, but never a guard was
established, and they made them get up. Their explanation was that      19
those in front would not move on. Passing by this group he sent
forward the strongest of his light infantry in advance, with orders to
find out what the stoppage was. They reported that the whole army lay
reposing in such fashion. That being so, Xenophon's men had nothing
for it but to bivouac in the open air also, without fire and
supperless, merely posting what pickets they could under the
circumstances. But as soon as it drew towards day, Xenophon despatched
the youngest of his men to the sick folk behind, with orders to make
them get up and force them to proceed. Meanwhile Cheirisophus had sent
some of his men quartered in the village to enquire how they fared in
the rear; they were overjoyed to see them, and handed over the sick
folk to them to carry into camp, while they themselves continued their
march forward, and ere twenty furlongs were past reached the village
in which Cheirisophus was quartered. As soon as the two divisions were
met, the resolution was come to that it would be safe to billet the
regiments throughout the villages; Cheirisophus remained where he was,
while the rest drew lots for the villages in sight, and then, with
their several detachments, marched off to their respective
destinations.

It was here that Polycrates, an Athenian and captain of a company,
asked for leave of absence--he wished to be off on a quest of his own;
and putting himself at the head of the active men of the division, he
ran to the village which had been allotted to Xenophon. He surprised
within it the villagers with their headman, and seventeen young horses
which were being reared as a tribute for the king, and, last of all,
the headman's own daughter, a young bride only eight days wed. Her
husband had gone off to chase hares, and so he escaped being taken
with the other villagers. The houses were underground structures with
an aperture like the mouth of a well by which to enter, but they were
broad and spacious below. The entrance for the beasts of burden was
dug out, but the human occupants descended by a ladder. In these
dwellings were to be found goats and sheep and cattle, and cocks and
hens, with their various progeny. The flocks and herds were all reared
under cover upon green food. There were stores within of wheat and
barley and vegetables, and wine made from barley in great big bowls;    26
the grains of barley malt lay floating in the beverage up to the lip
of the vessel, and reeds lay in them, some longer, some shorter,
without joints; when you were thirsty you must take one of these into
your mouth, and suck. The beverage without admixture of water was very
strong, and of a delicious flavour to certain palates, but the taste
must be acquired.

Xenophon made the headman of the village his guest at supper, and bade
him keep a good heart; so far from robbing him of his children, they
would fill his house full of good things in return for what they took
before they went away; only he must set them an example, and discover
some blessing or other for the army, until they found themselves with
another tribe. To this he readily assented, and with the utmost
cordiality showed them the cellar where the wine was buried. For this
night then, having taken up their several quarters as described, they
slumbered in the midst of plenty, one and all, with the headman under
watch and ward, and his children with him safe in sight.

But on the following day Xenophon took the headman and set off to
Cheirisophus, making a round of the villages, and at each place
turning in to visit the different parties. Everywhere alike he found
them faring sumptuously and merry-making. There was not a single
village where they did not insist on setting a breakfast before them,
and on the same table were spread half a dozen dishes at least, lamb,
kid, pork, veal, fowls, with various sorts of bread, some of wheat and
some of barley. When, as an act of courtesy, any one wished to drink
his neighbour's health, he would drag him to the big bowl, and when
there, he must duck his head and take a long pull, drinking like an
ox. The headman, they insisted everywhere, must accept as a present
whatever he liked to have. But he would accept nothing, except where
he espied any of his relations, when he made a point of taking them
off, him or her, with himself.

When they reached Cheirisophus they found a similar scene. There too    33
the men were feasting in their quarters, garlanded with whisps of hay
and dry grass, and Armenian boys were playing the part of waiters in
barbaric costumes, only they had to point out by gesture to the boys
what they were to do, like deaf and dumb. After the first formalities,
when Cheirisophus and Xenophon had greeted one another like bosom
friends, they interrogated the headman in common by means of the
Persian-speaking interpreter. "What was the country?" they asked: he
replied, "Armenia." And again, "For whom are the horses being bred?"
"They are tribute for the king," he replied. "And the neighbouring
country?" "Is the land of the Chalybes," he said; and he described the
road which led to it. So for the present Xenophon went off, taking the
headman back with him to his household and friends. He also made him a
present of an oldish horse which he had got; he had heard that the
headman was a priest of the sun, and so he could fatten up the beast
and sacrifice him; otherwise he was afraid it might die outright, for
it had been injured by the long marching. For himself he took his pick
of the colts, and gave a colt apiece to each of his fellow-generals
and officers. The horses here were smaller than the Persian horses,
but much more spirited. It was here too that their friend the headman
explained to them, how they should wrap small bags or sacks around the
feet of the horses and other cattle when marching through the snow,
for without such precautions the creatures sank up to their bellies.

VI

When a week had passed, on the eighth day Xenophon delivered over the   1
guide (that is to say, the village headman) to Cheirisophus. He left
the headman's household safe behind in the village, with the exception
of his son, a lad in the bloom of youth. This boy was entrusted to
Episthenes of Amphipolis to guard; if the headman proved himself a
good guide, he was to take away his son also at his departure. They
finally made his house the repository of all the good things they
could contrive to get together; then they broke up their camp and
commenced to march, the headman guiding them through the snow
unfettered. When they had reached the third stage Cheirisophus flew     2
into a rage with him, because he had not brought them to any villages.
The headman pleaded that there were none in this part. Cheirisophus
struck him, but forgot to bind him, and the end of it was that the
headman ran away in the night and was gone, leaving his son behind
him. This was the sole ground of difference between Cheirisophus and
Xenophon during the march, this combination of ill-treatment and
neglect in the case of the guide. As to the boy, Episthenes conceived
a passion for him, and took him home with him, and found in him the
most faithful of friends.

After this they marched seven stages at the rate of five parasangs a
day, to the banks of the river Phasis (1), which is a hundred feet
broad: and thence they marched another couple of stages, ten
parasangs; but at the pass leading down into the plain there appeared
in front of them a mixed body of Chalybes and Taochians and
Phasianians. When Cheirisophus caught sight of the enemy on the pass
at a distance of about three or four miles, he ceased marching, not
caring to approach the enemy with his troops in column, and he passed
down the order to the others: to deploy their companies to the front,
that the troops might form into line. As soon as the rearguard had
come up, he assembled the generals and officers, and addressed them:
"The enemy, as you see, are in occupation of the mountain pass, it is
time we should consider how we are to make the best fight to win it.
My opinion is, that we should give orders to the troops to take their
morning meal, whilst we deliberate whether we should cross the
mountains to-day or to-morrow." "My opinion," said Cleanor, "is, that
as soon as we have breakfasted, we should arm for the fight and attack
the enemy, without loss of time, for if we fritter away to-day, the
enemy who are now content to look at us, will grow bolder, and with
their growing courage, depend upon it, others more numerous will join
them."

 (1) Probably a tributary of the Araxes = modern Pasin-Su.

After him Xenophon spoke: "This," he said, "is how I see the matter;
if fight we must, let us make preparation to sell our lives dearly,
but if we desire to cross with the greatest ease, the point to
consider is, how we may get the fewest wounds and throw away the
smallest number of good men. Well then, that part of the mountain       11
which is visible stretches nearly seven miles. Where are the men
posted to intercept us? except at the road itself, they are nowhere to
be seen. It is much better to try if possible to steal a point of this
desert mountain unobserved, and before they know where we are, secure
the prize, than to fly at a strong position and an enemy thoroughly
prepared. Since it is much easier to march up a mountain without
fighting than to tramp along a level when assailants are at either
hand; and provided he has not to fight, a man will see what lies at
his feet much more plainly even at night than in broad daylight in the
midst of battle; and a rough road to feet that roam in peace may be
pleasanter than a smooth surface with the bullets whistling about your
ears (2). Nor is it so impossible, I take it, to steal a march, since
it is open to us to go by night, when we cannot be seen, and to fall
back so far that they will never notice us. In my opinion, however, if
we make a feint of attacking here, we shall find the mountain chain
all the more deserted elsewhere, since the enemy will be waiting for
us here in thicker swarm.

 (2) Or, more lit., "with the head a mark for missiles."

"But what right have I to be drawing conclusions about stealing in
your presence, Cheirisophus? for you Lacedaemonians, as I have often
been told, you who belong to the 'peers,' practise stealing from your
boyhood up; and it is no disgrace but honourable rather to steal,
except such things as the law forbids; and in order, I presume, to
stimulate your sense of secretiveness, and to make you master thieves,
it is lawful for you further to get a whipping if you are caught. Now
then you have a fine opportunity of displaying your training. But take
care we are not caught stealing over the mountain, or we shall catch
it ourselves." "For all that," retorted Cheirisophus, "I have heard
that you Athenians are clever hands at stealing the public moneys; and
that too though there is a fearful risk for the person so employed;
but, I am told, it is your best men who are addicted to it; if it is
your best men who are thought worthy to rule. So it is a fine
opportunity for yourself also, Xenophon, to exhibit your education."    17
"And I," replied Xenophon, "am ready to take the rear division, as
soon as we have supped, and seize the mountain chain. I have already
got guides, for the light troops laid an ambuscade, and seized some of
the cut-purse vagabonds who hung on our rear. I am further informed by
them that the mountain is not inaccessible, but is grazed by goats and
cattle, so that if we can once get hold of any portion of it, there
will be no difficulty as regards our animals--they can cross. As to
the enemy, I expect they will not even wait for us any longer, when
they once see us on a level with themselves on the heights, for they
do not even at present care to come down and meet us on fair ground."
Cheirisophus answered: "But why should you go and leave your command
in the rear? Send others rather, unless a band of volunteers will
present themselves." Thereupon Aristonymus the Methydrian came forward
with some heavy infantry, and Nicomachus the Oetean with another body
of light troops, and they made an agreement to kindle several
watch-fires as soon as they held the heights. The arrangements made,
they breakfasted; and after breakfast Cheirisophus advanced the whole
army ten furlongs closer towards the enemy, so as to strengthen the
impression that he intended to attack them at that point.

But as soon as they had supped and night had fallen, the party under
orders set off and occupied the mountain, while the main body rested
where they were. Now as soon as the enemy perceived that the mountain
was taken, they banished all thought of sleep, and kept many
watch-fires blazing throughout the night. But at break of day
Cheirisophus offered sacrifice, and began advancing along the road,
while the detachment which held the mountain advanced pari passu by
the high ground. The larger mass of the enemy, on his side, remained
still on the mountain-pass, but a section of them turned to confront
the detachment on the heights. Before the main bodies had time to draw
together, the detachment on the height came to close quarters, and the
Hellenes were victorious and gave chase. Meanwhile the light division
of the Hellenes, issuing from the plain, were rapidly advancing
against the serried lines of the enemy, whilst Cheirisophus followed
up with his heavy infantry at quick march. But the enemy on the road    25
no sooner saw their higher division being worsted than they fled, and
some few of them were slain, and a vast number of wicker shields were
taken, which the Hellenes hacked to pieces with their short swords and
rendered useless. So when they had reached the summit of the pass,
they sacrificed and set up a trophy, and descending into the plain,
reached villages abounding in good things of every kind.

VII

After this they marched into the country of the Taochians five          1
stages--thirty parasangs--and provisions failed; for the Taochians
lived in strong places, into which they had carried up all their
stores. Now when the army arrived before one of these strong places--a
mere fortress, without city or houses, into which a motley
crowd of men and women and numerous flocks and herds were
gathered--Cheirisophus attacked at once. When the first regiment fell
back tired, a second advanced, and again a third, for it was
impossible to surround the place in full force, as it was encircled by
a river. Presently Xenophon came up with the rearguard, consisting of
both light and heavy infantry, whereupon Cheirisophus halted him with
the words: "In the nick of time you have come; we must take this
place, for the troops have no provisions, unless we take it."
Thereupon they consulted together, and to Xenophon's inquiry, "What it
was which hindered their simply walking in?" Cheirisophus replied,
"There is just this one narrow approach which you see, but when we
attempt to pass it by they roll down volleys of stones from yonder
overhanging crag," pointing up, "and this is the state in which you
find yourself, if you chance to be caught;" and he pointed to some
poor fellows with their legs or ribs crushed to bits. "But when they
have expended their ammunition," said Xenophon, "there is nothing
else, is there, to hinder our passing? Certainly, except yonder
handful of fellows, there is no one in front of us that we can see;
and of them, only two or three apparently are armed, and the distance
to be traversed under fire is, as your eyes will tell you, about one
hundred and fifty feet as near as can be, and of this space the first
hundred is thickly covered with great pines at intervals; under cover
of these, what harm can come to our men from a pelt of stones, flying   6
or rolling? So then, there is only fifty feet left to cross, during a
lull of stones." "Ay," said Cheirisophus, "but with our first attempt
to approach the bush a galling fire of stones commences." "The very
thing we want," said the other, "for they will use up their ammunition
all the quicker; but let us select a point from which we shall have
only a brief space to run across, if we can, and from which it will be
easier to get back, if we wish."

Thereupon Cheirisophus and Xenophon set out with Callimachus the
Parrhasian, the captain in command of the officers of the rearguard
that day; the rest of the captains remained out of danger. That done,
the next step was for a party of about seventy men to get away under
the trees, not in a body, but one by one, every one using his best
precaution; and Agasis the Stymphalian, and Aristonymous the
Methydrian, who were also officers of the rearguard, were posted as
supports outside the trees; for it was not possible for more than a
single company to stand safely within the trees. Here Callimachus hit
upon a pretty contrivance--he ran forward from the tree under which he
was posted two or three paces, and as soon as the stones came
whizzing, he retired easily, but at each excursion more than ten
wagon-loads of rocks were expended. Agasias, seeing how Callimachus
was amusing himself, and the whole army looking on as spectators, was
seized with the fear that he might miss his chance of being first to
run the gauntlet of the enemy's fire and get into the place. So,
without a word of summons to his neighbour, Aristonymous, or to
Eurylochus of Lusia, both comrades of his, or to any one else, off he
set on his own account, and passed the whole detachment. But
Callimachus, seeing him tearing past, caught hold of his shield by the
rim, and in the meantime Aristonymous the Methydrian ran past both,
and after him Eurylochus of Lusia; for they were one and all aspirants
to valour, and in that high pursuit, each was the eager rival of the
rest. So in this strife of honour, the three of them took the
fortress, and when they had once rushed in, not a stone more was
hurled from overhead.

And here a terrible spectacle displayed itself: the women first cast
their infants down the cliff, and then they cast themselves after       13
their fallen little ones, and the men likewise. In such a scene,
Aeneas the Stymphalian, an officer, caught sight of a man with a fine
dress about to throw himself over, and seized hold of him to stop him;
but the other caught him to his arms, and both were gone in an instant
headlong down the crags, and were killed. Out of this place the merest
handful of human beings were taken prisoners, but cattle and asses in
abundance and flocks of sheep.

From this place they marched through the Chalybes (1) seven stages,
fifty parasangs. These were the bravest men whom they encountered on
the whole march, coming cheerily to close quarters with them. They
wore linen cuirasses reaching to the groin, and instead of the
ordinary "wings" or basques, a thickly-plaited fringe of cords. They
were also provided with greaves and helmets, and at the girdle a short
sabre, about as long as the Laconian dagger, with which they cut the
throats of those they mastered, and after severing the head from the
trunk they would march along carrying it, singing and dancing, when
they drew within their enemy's field of view. They carried also a
spear fifteen cubits long, lanced at one end (2). This folk stayed in
regular townships, and whenever the Hellenes passed by they invariably
hung close on their heels fighting. They had dwelling-places in their
fortresses, and into them they had carried up their supplies, sot hat
the Hellenes could get nothing from this district, but supported
themselves on the flocks and herds they had taken from the Taochians.
After this the Hellenes reached the river Harpasus, which was four
hundred feet broad. Hence they marched through the Scythenians four
stages--twenty parasangs--through a long level country to more
villages, among which they halted three days, and got in supplies.